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Premiers Rally For Energy Infrastructure To Counter U.S. Tariff Threats

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From the Frontier Centre for Public Policy

By Maureen McCall

With U.S. tariffs looming, Premiers push for border security, pipelines, and interprovincial trade reform

After more than eight years of federal policies that have challenged the oil and gas industry, imagining Canadian energy policy in a post-Trudeau era is no easy task.

However, recent meetings addressing the threat of United States tariffs may offer hope for revisiting energy policies through provincial collaboration.

The January 2025 Council of the Federation meetings, attended by all 13 provincial and territorial premiers, produced several key value propositions.

  • After spending a week in Washington, D.C., meeting with Donald Trump and his administration, Alberta Premier Danielle Smith highlighted the provinces’ resource strengths.
  • British Columbia can leverage germanium—a critical mineral essential in defence applications that China will no longer export to the U.S.
  • Saskatchewan’s uranium supply offers an alternative to reliance on Kazakhstan and Russia.
  • Canadian provinces can provide resources that align with U.S. energy goals.

Any provincial initiatives must also address U.S. priorities, including tighter border security and increased defence spending.

To meet U.S. energy security needs, Canada must remove policy barriers hindering development. Policies like the Clean Energy Regulations (CER), the emissions cap, and the net-zero vehicle mandate (starting January 2026) are significant challenges. Provinces must collaborate to amend or remove these policies, ensuring they do not survive the next federal election. Alberta and Saskatchewan have already opposed the CER, and the proposed emissions cap remains under review.

The federal government acknowledges that these policies must be re-evaluated to avoid obstructing shared energy goals, including:

  • carbon pollution pricing
  • methane regulations
  • clean fuel standards
  • carbon capture incentives
  • emissions reduction funding
  • clean growth programs
  • best-in-class guidelines for new oil and gas projects under federal review.

The U.S.’s energy deficit—20 million barrels consumed daily versus 13 million produced—creates an opportunity for Canada. Achieving this requires dismantling interprovincial trade barriers and developing infrastructure projects from coast to coast. The Council meetings have initiated such collaboration, with ongoing bilateral discussions expected. Infrastructure projects like pipelines to the East and West coasts would enable Canada to supply the U.S. and other global markets, reducing reliance on hostile regimes.

Newfoundland and Labrador Premier Andrew Furey stated: “I see energy as Canada’s queen in the game of chess. We don’t need to expose our queen this early. The opposition needs to know that the queen exists, but they don’t need to know what we’re going to do with the queen.”

Saskatchewan Premier Scott Moe and Alberta Premier Danielle Smith have rejected measures that would affect Canada’s energy exports to the U.S.

“When you look at the pipeline system, how oil is actually transported into the U.S. and back into Canada,” Moe said, “it would be very difficult, and I think impossible operationally to even consider.” Manitoba Premier Wab Kinew emphasized the importance of national unity, stating that energy decisions must not fracture the country. Ontario Premier Doug Ford warned that tariffs could cost Ontario 500,000 jobs, while P.E.I. Premier Dennis King noted that tariffs could cost 25 per cent of P.E.I.’s GDP and 14,000 jobs—a catastrophic loss for the province.

The Council meetings highlighted three key priorities:

  • Demonstrate Canada’s commitment to border security and meet its two per cent GDP NATO target.
  • Build oil and gas pipelines east and west to diversify markets and remove interprovincial trade barriers, enabling a stronger national economy.
  • Secure provincial consent before imposing export tariffs or restrictions that could harm individual provinces.

This emerging consensus underscores that Canada’s energy future depends on proactive, constructive diplomacy with U.S. lawmakers, supported by a unified provincial front and practical energy policies that benefit both nations.

Maureen McCall is an energy business analyst and Fellow at the Frontier Center for Public Policy. She writes on energy issues for EnergyNow and the BOE Report. She has 20 years of experience as a business analyst for national and international energy companies in Canada.

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Critics Accuse YouTube of Dragging Out Return Process for Banned Channels

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A promise to let banned creators return rings hollow when only select ones get a second chance.

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YouTube is being criticized for what many see as backpedaling on its commitment to free speech, after pledging to restore banned accounts, only to continue removing new channels created by previously banned figures.

The initial assurance came in a letter dated September 23, 2025, addressed to House Judiciary Committee Chairman Jim Jordan.

In that communication, YouTube acknowledged its past enforcement actions, which included terminating channels over election-related and COVID-19 content under policies that have since changed. The company claimed that its current guidelines permit more room for such topics and asserted:

“Reflecting the Company’s commitment to free expression, YouTube will provide an opportunity for all creators to rejoin the platform if the Company terminated their channels for repeated violations of COVID-19 and elections integrity policies that are no longer in effect.”

The same day, YouTube posted a message on X describing a “limited pilot project” that would provide “a pathway back to YouTube for some terminated creators to set up a new channel.”

However, the platform immediately added that this option would only apply to a “subset” of creators.

The vagueness of the commitment raised suspicion, which intensified when two prominent figures, Infowars founder Alex Jones and “America First” host Nick Fuentes, launched new channels that were almost immediately taken down.

Cartoon purple monkey wearing a red cap holding a magnifying glass above the message "This page isn't available. Sorry about that. Try searching for something else." with the YouTube logo and a search bar below on a pale gray background.

On September 25, YouTube confirmed in a follow-up post that the pilot program wasn’t active yet and reiterated that users previously banned under its policies would have their new channels removed.

Screenshot of a tweet by verified Updates From YouTube (@UpdatesFromYT) stating that previously terminated creators trying to start new channels are still prohibited, the pilot program on terminations is not yet open, YouTube will terminate new channels from previously terminated users in accordance with Community Guidelines, and more details on a limited pilot program will be shared soon; posted Sep 25, 2025, 9:42 AM, 728.7K views.

This abrupt reversal drew widespread condemnation. Either YouTube is committed to backtracking on its mistakes or it’s not.

YouTube’s September 25 post was heavily ratioed, with users blasting the company for promoting a free speech revival while simultaneously doubling down on removals.

The disconnect between the public promise and its execution fueled accusations of insincerity.

While YouTube didn’t ban Jones and Fuentes under the now-defunct COVID or election integrity policies: Jones was booted in 2018 over what the platform labeled “hate speech,” and Fuentes was removed in 2020 for alleged violations of the same hate speech rule, many argue that the company’s overall stance still undermines the broader principle of open discourse.

By dragging out the reinstatement process and narrowing eligibility through an undefined pilot, YouTube is being accused of turning its supposed “commitment to free expression” into a hollow gesture.

The promise to Congress now appears to be less a genuine policy shift and more a tightly controlled PR maneuver.

Despite YouTube’s attempts to frame its evolving guidelines as a win for free speech, actions speak louder. Blocking even the chance to return, particularly after stating that creators could rejoin, reveals just how selective the platform remains in determining who gets to speak and who doesn’t.

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BC Ferries: Emails Change Everything- Committee to Haul In Freeland & Co.

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The Opposition with Dan Knight

Dan Knight's avatar Dan Knight

Freeland, Public Safety, Seaspan, Irving, Ontario yards and unions to appear as MPs probe what Ottawa knew and when.

In Ottawa they call it “arm’s-length.” Out in the real world, people call it duck-and-cover. At Meeting No. 6 of the House of Commons transport committee, MPs confronted a simple, damning timeline: Transport Canada’s top non-partisan official was warned six weeks before the public announcement that BC Ferries would award a four-ship contract to a Chinese state-owned yard. Yet the former transport minister, Chrystia Freeland, told Parliament she was “shocked.” Those two facts do not coexist in nature. One is true, or the other is not.

There’s an even bigger betrayal hiding in plain sight. In the last election, this Liberal government campaigned on a Canada-first message—jobs here, supply chains here, steel here. And then, when it actually mattered, they watched a billion-dollar ferry order sail to a PRC state yard with no Canadian-content requirement attached to the federal financing. So much for “Canada first.” Turns out it was “Canada… eventually,” after the press release.

Conservatives put the revelation on the record and asked the only question that matters in a democracy: what did the minister know and when did she know it? The documents they cite don’t suggest confusion; they suggest choreography—ministerial staff emailing the Prime Minister’s Office on how to manage the announcement rather than stop the deal that offshored Canadian work to a Chinese state firm.

Follow the money and it gets worse. A federal Crown lender—the Canada Infrastructure Bank—underwrote $1 billion for BC Ferries and attached no Canadian-content requirement to the financing. In plain English: taxpayers took the risk, Beijing got the jobs. The paper trail presented to MPs is smothered in black ink—hundreds of pages of redactions—with one stray breadcrumb: a partially visible BC Hydro analysis suggesting roughly half a billion dollars in B.C. terminal upgrades to make the “green” ferry plan work. You’re not supposed to see that. You almost didn’t.

How did the government side respond? With a jurisdictional shrug. We’re told, over and over, that BC Ferries is a provincial, arm’s-length corporation; the feds didn’t pick the yard, don’t run the procurement, and therefore shouldn’t be blamed. That line is convenient, and in a technical sense it’s tidy. But it wilts under heat. The federal lender is still federal. The money is still public. If “arm’s-length” means “no accountability,” it’s not a governance model—it’s a get-out-of-jail-free card.

The fallback argument is economic fatalism: no Canadian shipyards bid, we’re told; building here would have taken longer and cost “billions” more. Maybe that’s true, maybe it isn’t—but it’s the sort of claim that demands evidence, not condescension. Because the last time Canadians heard this script, the same political class promised that global supply chains were efficient, cheap and safe. Then reality happened. If domestic capacity is too weak to compete, that’s not an argument for outsourcing permanently; it’s an indictment of the people who let that capacity atrophy. And if you swear “Canada first” on the campaign trail, you don’t bankroll “China first” from the Treasury bench.

Even the process looked like a master class in delay. The committee repeatedly suspended to “circulate” and “review” lengthy motions, while edits ricocheted across the witness list. There were pushes to pare back which ministers would appear at all, and counter-moves to tuck sensitive testimony behind closed doors. In the end, members nudged toward a compromise—Public Safety in open session, other national-security witnesses in camera—but the pattern was unmistakable: every procedural minute spent on choreography was a minute not spent on the timeline.

And after all that stalling, here’s who they’re hauling in—because even Ottawa’s fog machine couldn’t hide the paper trail forever.

They moved to recall Chrystia Freeland herself—the minister who claimed to be “shocked” after her own department had a six-week head start. She’s the centerpiece witness, and rightly so.

On the security front, the Public Safety Minister is slated for an hour in public, followed by an hour with officials, while the national-security reviewers will give their evidence in camera—translation: the part you most want to hear will happen behind closed doors.

Industry voices are on deck too: Seaspan (the transcript garbles it as “C-Span”), Irving Shipbuilding, plus labour and trade heavyweights—the BC Ferries & Marine Workers’ Union, BC Building Trades, the BC Federation of Labour, the Shipyard General Workers Federation, and the Canadian steel producers—the people who can say, under oath, exactly what Ottawa knew and when the alarm bells rang.

They even tacked on Ontario shipyards via a “friendly amendment”—because apparently no one thought to ask central Canada’s yards until the story blew up.

And then the hedge: Liberals worked the amendments to pare back which ministers would face the lights—especially Revenue and Labour—prompting Conservatives to call the move “intolerable.” In other words, invite the easy witnesses, bury the consequential ones. The fight over those two remained live at that point.

So yes, the committee will finally hear from the people who matter—Freeland, Public Safety, shipyards, unions, steel. But notice the choreography: showcase the safe bits in public, tuck the sensitive parts out of view, and keep chipping away at the ministerial witness list. That’s not transparency; that’s stage management with a security badge.

Strip away the talking points and what remains are questions no serious government would duck. When did the minister learn the contract was going to China? What did her office tell the PMO and when? Why did a federal loan—the leverage Ottawa actually controls—carry zero requirement to build any of it here? And why are the documents that might answer those questions buried under redactions thick enough to pave a road?

Canadians are not children. They understand that ferries are essential and that delays are costly. They also understand something else: when a government runs on Canada first and then cheers from the dock as the jobs steam away, that’s not “arm’s-length.” That’s arm’s-length accountability—which is to say, none. Until the emails are unredacted and Chrystia Freeland answers the timeline under oath, the government’s position amounts to this: trust us, the money’s independent, the decisions were someone else’s, and the facts you’re not allowed to see fully vindicate us. Sure. And the check is in the mail.


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