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Poll: Democrats want Elon Musk jailed for trying to fix Washington

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A shocking new poll reveals that a staggering 71% of likely Democratic voters support imprisoning Elon Musk for his brief service in the Trump administration’s Department of Government Efficiency (DOGE). The survey, conducted by The Heartland Institute and Rasmussen Reports, underscores an alarming shift in progressive politics: jailing political opponents for attempting to rein in bureaucratic waste. As Justin Haskins writes in his May 9 Townhall op-ed, this poll is not just about Musk—it’s about the dangerous normalization of authoritarianism among America’s political left.

Key Details:

  • 71% of likely Democratic voters support jailing Musk for his role in eliminating government waste via DOGE.

  • 80% of ideological liberals, across parties, say they would imprison Musk for his public service.

  • Nearly 70% of Democrats support banning Musk from ever serving in government again—an unconstitutional measure.

Diving Deeper:

In his recent Townhall column, Justin Haskins warns that Elon Musk’s fall from liberal darling to “Public Enemy No. 1 for the modern left” stems from a single transgression: daring to challenge the D.C. establishment. Haskins opens by recognizing Musk’s past achievements—electric vehicles, space exploration, and defending free speech. But after briefly working in the Trump administration’s Department of Government Efficiency (DOGE)—an initiative aimed at cutting federal waste—Musk became a target of left-wing ire.

According to the Heartland Institute/Rasmussen poll, “Seven in ten likely Democratic voters want to imprison Musk for trying to make government more efficient.” Haskins adds, “This isn’t satire. This is the modern Democratic Party, where liberalism has evolved into authoritarianism dressed in the clothes of compassion and equity.”

The numbers become even more disturbing among self-identified liberals. A staggering 80% of ideological liberals said they’d support jailing Musk for participating in DOGE. Additionally, nearly 70% of Democrats back a proposal to ban him from ever working in government again—a position that clearly violates constitutional protections.

Musk’s unpopularity among Democrats has grown since his acquisition of X (formerly Twitter) and his commitment to restoring banned voices. Once celebrated as a climate champion, Musk is now demonized by the very groups that once hailed his green energy innovations. “He was supposed to walk in lockstep against conservatives at all times,” Haskins notes. “When he chose a different path… he committed a sin that some on the radical left simply cannot forgive.”

More importantly, the poll reflects a dangerous national trend: criminalizing political dissent. Haskins writes, “When nearly three-fourths of Democratic voters support jailing someone for participating in an effort to streamline federal agencies, we’ve crossed a dangerous line.” He continues, “This is the stuff of banana republics, not constitutional republics.”

The column concludes with a chilling reminder that the targeting of Elon Musk is not an isolated incident. “If they’re willing to jail Elon Musk for doing his job, what do you think they’ll do to the rest of us?” Haskins asks. The poll results reveal a left-wing movement increasingly comfortable using state power to punish those who refuse to conform.

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Massive government child-care plan wreaking havoc across Ontario

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From the Fraser Institute

By Matthew Lau

It’s now more than four years since the federal Liberal government pledged $30 billion in spending over five years for $10-per-day national child care, and more than three years since Ontario’s Progressive Conservative government signed a $13.2 billion deal with the federal government to deliver this child-care plan.

Not surprisingly, with massive government funding came massive government control. While demand for child care has increased due to the government subsidies and lower out-of-pocket costs for parents, the plan significantly restricts how child-care centres operate (including what items participating centres may purchase), and crucially, caps the proportion of government funds available to private for-profit providers.

What have families and taxpayers got for this enormous government effort? Widespread child-care shortages across Ontario.

For example, according to the City of Ottawa, the number of children (aged 0 to 5 years) on child-care waitlists has ballooned by more than 300 per cent since 2019, there are significant disparities in affordable child-care access “with nearly half of neighbourhoods underserved, and limited access in suburban and rural areas,” and families face “significantly higher” costs for before-and-after-school care for school-age children.

In addition, Ottawa families find the system “complex and difficult to navigate” and “fewer child care options exist for children with special needs.” And while 42 per cent of surveyed parents need flexible child care (weekends, evenings, part-time care), only one per cent of child-care centres offer these flexible options. These are clearly not encouraging statistics, and show that a government-knows-best approach does not properly anticipate the diverse needs of diverse families.

Moreover, according to the Peel Region’s 2025 pre-budget submission to the federal government (essentially, a list of asks and recommendations), it “has maximized its for-profit allocation, leaving 1,460 for-profit spaces on a waitlist.” In other words, families can’t access $10-per-day child care—the central promise of the plan—because the government has capped the number of for-profit centres.

Similarly, according to Halton Region’s pre-budget submission to the provincial government, “no additional families can be supported with affordable child care” because, under current provincial rules, government funding can only be used to reduce child-care fees for families already in the program.

And according to a March 2025 Oxford County report, the municipality is experiencing a shortage of child-care staff and access challenges for low-income families and children with special needs. The report includes a grim bureaucratic predication that “provincial expansion targets do not reflect anticipated child care demand.”

Child-care access is also a problem provincewide. In Stratford, which has a population of roughly 33,000, the municipal government reports that more than 1,000 children are on a child-care waitlist. Similarly in Port Colborne (population 20,000), the city’s chief administrative officer told city council in April 2025 there were almost 500 children on daycare waitlists at the beginning of the school term. As of the end of last year, Guelph and Wellington County reportedly had a total of 2,569 full-day child-care spaces for children up to age four, versus a waitlist of 4,559 children—in other words, nearly two times as many children on a waitlist compared to the number of child-care spaces.

More examples. In Prince Edward County, population around 26,000, there are more than 400 children waitlisted for licensed daycare. In Kawartha Lakes and Haliburton County, the child-care waitlist is about 1,500 children long and the average wait time is four years. And in St. Mary’s, there are more than 600 children waitlisted for child care, but in recent years town staff have only been able to move 25 to 30 children off the wait list annually.

The numbers speak for themselves. Massive government spending and control over child care has created havoc for Ontario families and made child-care access worse. This cannot be a surprise. Quebec’s child-care system has been largely government controlled for decades, with poor results. Why would Ontario be any different? And how long will Premier Ford allow this debacle to continue before he asks the new prime minister to rethink the child-care policy of his predecessor?

Matthew Lau

Adjunct Scholar, Fraser Institute
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Business

Canada Caves: Carney ditches digital services tax after criticism from Trump

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From The Center Square

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Canada caved to President Donald Trump demands by pulling its digital services tax hours before it was to go into effect on Monday.

Trump said Friday that he was ending all trade talks with Canada over the digital services tax, which he called a direct attack on the U.S. and American tech firms. The DST required foreign and domestic businesses to pay taxes on some revenue earned from engaging with online users in Canada.

“Based on this egregious Tax, we are hereby terminating ALL discussions on Trade with Canada, effective immediately,” the president said. “We will let Canada know the Tariff that they will be paying to do business with the United States of America within the next seven day period.”

By Sunday, Canada relented in an effort to resume trade talks with the U.S., it’s largest trading partner.

“To support those negotiations, the Minister of Finance and National Revenue, the Honourable François-Philippe Champagne, announced today that Canada would rescind the Digital Services Tax (DST) in anticipation of a mutually beneficial comprehensive trade arrangement with the United States,” according to a statement from Canada’s Department of Finance.

Canada’s Department of Finance said that Prime Minister Mark Carney and Trump agreed to resume negotiations, aiming to reach a deal by July 21.

U.S. Commerce Secretary Howard Lutnick said Monday that the digital services tax would hurt the U.S.

“Thank you Canada for removing your Digital Services Tax which was intended to stifle American innovation and would have been a deal breaker for any trade deal with America,” he wrote on X.

Earlier this month, the two nations seemed close to striking a deal.

Trump said he and Carney had different concepts for trade between the two neighboring countries during a meeting at the G7 Summit in Kananaskis, in the Canadian Rockies.

Asked what was holding up a trade deal between the two nations at that time, Trump said they had different concepts for what that would look like.

“It’s not so much holding up, I think we have different concepts, I have a tariff concept, Mark has a different concept, which is something that some people like, but we’re going to see if we can get to the bottom of it today.”

Shortly after taking office in January, Trump hit Canada and Mexico with 25% tariffs for allowing fentanyl and migrants to cross their borders into the U.S. Trump later applied those 25% tariffs only to goods that fall outside the free-trade agreement between the three nations, called the United States-Mexico-Canada Agreement.

Trump put a 10% tariff on non-USMCA compliant potash and energy products. A 50% tariff on aluminum and steel imports from all countries into the U.S. has been in effect since June 4. Trump also put a 25% tariff on all cars and trucks not built in the U.S.

Economists, businesses and some publicly traded companies have warned that tariffs could raise prices on a wide range of consumer products.

Trump has said he wants to use tariffs to restore manufacturing jobs lost to lower-wage countries in decades past, shift the tax burden away from U.S. families, and pay down the national debt.

A tariff is a tax on imported goods paid by the person or company that imports them. The importer can absorb the cost of the tariffs or try to pass the cost on to consumers through higher prices.

Trump’s tariffs give U.S.-produced goods a price advantage over imported goods, generating revenue for the federal government.

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