National
Parliament’s Debate on Bill 377: A Battle for Transparency, Accountability, and the Control of National Security

Inside the Committee Circus: How Bill 377 Became a Battleground for Liberal Control Over Parliamentary Transparency!
In what could only be described as a bureaucratic circus, the Standing Committee on Procedure and House Affairs met to discuss Bill 377—a straightforward proposal that would give Members of Parliament (MPs) the right to apply for security clearances. What should have been a common-sense debate about empowering elected officials to do their jobs quickly turned into a showcase of Liberal fear-mongering, bureaucratic hand-wringing, and hypocritical stonewalling. The debate was rich in procedural distractions, leaving the core issue—government transparency—buried under layers of red tape.
The Fight for Transparency in Parliament: What CSIS and the PMO Had to Say
The debate over Bill 377—the proposal that would allow Members of Parliament (MPs) to apply for security clearances—kicked off with testimony from officials who wield significant influence over national security. First up was Nicole Giles, a representative from CSIS (Canadian Security Intelligence Service), and Sean Jorgensen, a senior official from the Prime Minister’s Office (PMO). Their comments set the stage for the battle between parliamentary transparency and bureaucratic control that would dominate the session.
Nicole Giles, representing CSIS, emphasized the importance of the security screening process in protecting national security and maintaining trust between the government and its citizens. She detailed how the security clearance process involves a rigorous collection of personal information and a careful vetting of individuals to assess their reliability and loyalty to Canada. According to Giles, this process is meant to ensure that those granted access to classified information can be trusted to protect it. But here’s the kicker: while CSIS insists that its process is designed to be rigorous, the question of who is deemed trustworthy seemed to stop at the doorstep of Parliament.
Giles explained that the process for obtaining security clearances involves informed consent and the use of data from law enforcement and intelligence sources. “The decision to grant a security clearance is made based on this evidence, ensuring individuals can be trusted to safeguard national security,” she said. Fair enough—but the fact that elected MPs are not included in this system, while low-level staffers and bureaucrats are, seemed like a glaring oversight that Bill 377 aimed to correct.
On the other side of the debate, Sean Jorgensen from the PMO seemed far more concerned with maintaining the status quo. Jorgensen echoed many of the typical bureaucratic fears about expanding access to security clearances, raising concerns about the potential for MPs to access sensitive information without the proper need-to-know basis. His testimony was filled with vague warnings about the risks of allowing more people into the security bubble, suggesting that MPs could pose a risk if not properly controlled.
But Jorgensen’s real agenda was clear: he wasn’t there to talk about enhancing transparency or improving parliamentary oversight. He was there to protect the PMO’s stranglehold on information. By casting doubt on whether MPs should even have the right to apply for security clearances, he was reinforcing the bureaucratic gatekeeping that has allowed the PMO to keep a tight grip on sensitive national security information.
Jorgensen and Giles set the stage for what would become a clear battle: Bill 377 wasn’t just about security clearances. It was about power—specifically, who holds it and who has access to the information that shapes the nation’s security policy. With CSIS and the PMO officials framing the debate, the scene was set for the Liberal swamp to defend their turf against a growing demand for accountability and transparency from parliamentarians.
What became apparent throughout the session is that while Giles and Jorgensen were trying to paint a picture of security concerns, the reality was that their testimony boiled down to protecting the existing system. The bureaucratic elite, including the PMO, seemed less interested in guarding national security and more interested in keeping MPs in the dark—ensuring that only a select few in the PMO and bureaucracy had the keys to the national security kingdom.
This fear of transparency would soon become a central theme as Conservative MPs like Alex Ruff and Eric Duncan took the floor, battling against the Liberal excuses and bureaucratic red tape designed to keep Parliament out of the national security loop.
Alex Ruff: The Champion of Accountability
Conservative MP Alex Ruff, the driving force behind Bill 377, came to the committee prepared to lay down a case so obvious it’s almost laughable that it needed to be debated. Ruff’s message was refreshingly simple: MPs should have the right to apply for security clearances, just like any other government official, intern, or low-level bureaucrat. And let’s not forget, we’re talking about Members of Parliament—elected officials responsible for voting on national security budgets and overseeing security policies that protect Canadians. How, Ruff asked, is it possible that these elected officials can’t even apply for the same clearances that government staffers are routinely granted?
Ruff’s frustration with the current system was evident from the start. As he rightly pointed out, the fact that interns—yes, interns—working in ministers’ offices can receive security clearances, while MPs are kept out of the loop, is nothing short of absurd. “If interns working in ministerial offices are given security clearances, why should MPs be left out of the loop?” Ruff questioned, nailing the fundamental issue with brutal accuracy. This isn’t some wild Conservative push for immediate access to classified documents. Ruff wasn’t demanding that MPs be handed national secrets on a silver platter. Instead, he was making the logical, common-sense argument that MPs—like everyone else—should have the opportunity to be vetted through the rigorous clearance process that is already in place.
Let’s stop for a second and think about the insanity of the current system. On one hand, you’ve got MPs, individuals who are entrusted by the Canadian people to make critical decisions affecting national security, being treated as though they’re untrustworthy amateurs. On the other hand, the same government hands out clearances to interns and bureaucrats without hesitation. Ruff was right to call this out for the farce that it is. The current setup not only undermines the authority of Parliament, but it also weakens the entire oversight process by keeping elected officials in the dark.
But Ruff wasn’t just there to point out the absurdity of the system—he was there to expose the real agenda behind the Liberal opposition to Bill 377. As the session dragged on, it became increasingly clear that the bureaucratic establishment and Liberal MPs weren’t interested in transparency. No, their goal was simple: maintain control. The PMO and its bureaucratic foot soldiers have grown accustomed to controlling access to information, shielding themselves from real scrutiny and accountability. And they’re desperate to keep things that way.
Ruff called out their tactics head-on. The Liberals, along with their bureaucratic allies, were trotting out every fear-mongering excuse they could think of. They raised hypothetical risks of MPs misusing classified information, warned of the dangers to international relations, and essentially treated elected officials like they couldn’t be trusted with the same basic tools the government hands out to junior staffers. Ruff saw right through it, and so should everyone else. This isn’t about protecting national security—this is about protecting power. The Liberals are terrified that giving MPs the ability to apply for clearances will disrupt their monopoly on sensitive information and weaken their ability to control the narrative.
Ruff’s argument is grounded in common sense and fairness. He’s not asking for special treatment—he’s asking for elected MPs to be held to the same standards as any other government official. The idea that MPs—individuals who represent the Canadian people—can’t even apply for a security clearance is insulting to the entire democratic process. By denying MPs this right, the Liberals are effectively saying that the public’s elected representatives can’t be trusted, and that only unelected bureaucrats should be allowed access to critical national security information.
What makes Ruff’s position even more powerful is that it’s not partisan—it’s pragmatic. He’s advocating for a system where MPs, regardless of their political affiliation, have the tools they need to do their jobs effectively. In fact, Ruff’s call for MPs to be allowed to apply for clearances is one of the most basic steps toward ensuring that Parliament functions as it should—as a body that can oversee and hold the government accountable on national security matters.
Yet, the response from the Liberal swamp was predictably hostile. They threw up bureaucratic roadblocks, introduced irrelevant procedural delays, and employed scare tactics to stall any real progress. The Liberals don’t want MPs—especially opposition MPs—having access to sensitive information, because it would mean that Parliament could finally hold the government accountable on key national security issues. They are far more interested in maintaining the status quo, where the PMO and bureaucrats have a stranglehold on information and can keep MPs—and by extension, the Canadian public—in the dark.
Ruff’s clarity of purpose stood in stark contrast to the bureaucratic noise surrounding him. He didn’t overcomplicate things. His message was straightforward: MPs need to have the right to apply for security clearances to do their jobs. And anyone who opposes that isn’t just standing in the way of Bill 377—they’re standing in the way of democracy and government accountability. Ruff’s push for common-sense reform is exactly what Parliament needs, and the Liberal resistance to this bill is nothing more than a desperate attempt to protect their power and secrecy.
Sherry Romanado: The Defender of the Status Quo
Liberal MP Sherry Romanado was one of the first to throw up procedural roadblocks during the committee’s debate on Bill 377. Rather than focusing on addressing the obvious issue—whether elected MPs should have the right to apply for security clearances—she chose to bog the discussion down with irrelevant questions designed to create new problems rather than solve the existing ones. Romanado fixated on the bureaucratic process of obtaining these clearances, questioning whether MPs should even have the right to apply in the first place.
She asked questions like, “Who would determine whether MPs should qualify for a security clearance?” and suggested that some kind of administrator or gatekeeper should be responsible for deciding which MPs could apply. This is classic Liberal strategy: instead of embracing transparency and accountability, she advocated for more layers of red tape and procedural delays. Her line of questioning wasn’t about protecting national security—it was about slowing down the process and keeping MPs, especially those outside the Liberal bubble, out of the loop.
Romanado’s approach was a transparent attempt to stall. By adding needless bureaucratic hurdles, she hoped to wrap the issue in so many layers of bureaucracy that it would get stuck in procedural purgatory. And that’s exactly what the Liberal swamp thrives on: bureaucratic dead-ends and vague questions designed to protect power and secrecy rather than empower the people’s representatives. By the end of her remarks, it was crystal clear—Romanado wasn’t interested in empowering MPs to fulfill their oversight role. She was laser-focused on maintaining the status quo and keeping control firmly in the hands of the PMO and bureaucrats.
BS Meter: Extremely High
Romanado’s entire line of questioning was pure bureaucratic theater, aimed at stalling real progress and keeping MPs in the dark. Her insistence on adding administrators or gatekeepers to the process was a desperate attempt to create roadblocks where none are needed. Romanado wasn’t working to protect national security; she was working to protect the Liberal power structure. This wasn’t about security—it was about control.
Marie-Hélène Gaudreau: Caution Without Vision
Bloc Québécois MP Marie-Hélène Gaudreau echoed some of the Liberal bureaucratic fears, but her concerns were framed around international relations and parliamentary privilege. Gaudreau questioned whether giving MPs access to classified information could compromise Canada’s relationships with allies like the Five Eyes and raised hypothetical scenarios where MPs might inadvertently disclose sensitive information. She warned of the risks this could pose to national security, stating, “What we would like to be able to do is provide that specific, perhaps classified information to a parliamentarian.”
However, Gaudreau seemed to miss the point. Bill 377 isn’t about giving MPs blanket access to sensitive material—it’s about letting them apply for a security clearance and undergo the same vetting process as other government officials. Gaudreau’s overly cautious stance mirrored the Liberal reluctance to trust MPs with any level of responsibility over national security. Instead of advocating for greater parliamentary oversight, she leaned heavily into fear-mongering, treating MPs as though they were a potential security threat rather than the elected representatives they are.
BS Meter: Medium-High
Gaudreau’s concerns, though reasonable to a degree, leaned too heavily on hypotheticals and fear-based arguments. Instead of pushing for more parliamentary transparency and accountability, she echoed the status quo, focusing on potential risks rather than recognizing the importance of MPs having access to the information they need. Her stance mirrored the bureaucratic excuses of those who are more interested in maintaining control than empowering elected representatives.
Ryan Turnbull: The Liberal Apologist
Of course, Ryan Turnbull—the Liberal MP who never misses an opportunity to defend the bureaucratic elite—stepped in with his fear-laden hypotheticals about the risks of parliamentary privilege. Turnbull was particularly concerned that if MPs were granted security clearances, they might misuse or disclose classified information during parliamentary sessions. He warned of onward disclosure risks, essentially treating MPs as if they’re reckless amateurs who can’t be trusted to handle sensitive material responsibly.
Turnbull’s remarks were a classic example of Liberal paranoia. He warned that without the right frameworks, Bill 377 could increase the risk of classified information being leaked, and suggested that parliamentary privilege could be used to shield MPs from the consequences of such leaks. What Turnbull conveniently ignored was that MPs, like any other officials with security clearances, would be bound by the same rules and regulations governing the handling of classified information.
His arguments weren’t about protecting national security—they were about protecting Liberal control over who gets access to classified material. Turnbull was just using scare tactics to justify keeping MPs out of the national security conversation, ensuring that bureaucrats and the PMO maintained their monopoly on sensitive information.
BS Meter: Off the Charts
Turnbull’s argument was pure Liberal fear-mongering. By focusing on parliamentary privilege and hypothetical scenarios of MPs misusing classified information, he created a smokescreen to justify keeping MPs in the dark. His refusal to engage with the actual purpose of Bill 377—which is about giving MPs the right to apply for security clearances—shows that his real priority is protecting the power structure and keeping control firmly in the hands of the Liberal elite. His exaggerated fears were nothing but a distraction to prevent real government transparency.
Eric Duncan: Calling Out Liberal Hypocrisy
Conservative MP Eric Duncan didn’t hold back in calling out the hypocrisy of the Liberal position. After listening for an hour of liberal obfuscation and gatekeeping he pointed out that interns and ministerial staffers are regularly granted security clearances, yet MPs—elected officials who are supposed to hold the government accountable—are treated like they can’t be trusted. Duncan’s frustration was palpable as he tore into the bureaucratic excuses being used to deny MPs the right to apply for clearances.
“Why can’t MPs apply?” Duncan asked, hammering home the absurdity of the situation. He wasn’t calling for MPs to get immediate access to classified information—he was simply advocating for MPs to have the opportunity to be vetted. His stance was clear: MPs deserve the same level of trust and access as other government officials. Duncan saw through the Liberal smokescreen and rightly called it out for what it was—a blatant attempt to keep MPs in the dark and protect the power structure.
Lindsay Mathyssen: Procedural Paralysis
NDP MP Lindsay Mathyssen played her role as the procedural nitpicker, focusing more on the logistics of Bill 377 than on the broader implications of transparency and accountability. Mathyssen raised concerns about the administrative burden of processing security clearances for MPs, as if the government couldn’t handle a few hundred additional applications. Her focus on training and compliance, while technically valid, felt like a deliberate attempt to bog the debate down in bureaucratic minutiae.
Rather than addressing the need for MPs to have access to classified information to do their jobs, Mathyssen seemed more interested in discussing the mechanics of security clearance applications. This focus on logistics was a convenient way to avoid taking a strong stance on the bill itself. In typical NDP fashion, she sidestepped the larger issue of democratic oversight, preferring instead to dwell on procedural details that only served to stall the conversation.
BS Meter: High
Mathyssen’s intervention felt like an attempt to stall the conversation by focusing too much on the bureaucratic processes of security clearances. Rather than tackling the broader issue of democratic accountability and the need for MPs to have access to classified information, she chose to drown the discussion in procedural concerns. This is classic NDP—sidestepping the need for real action by focusing on technicalities. Mathyssen’s questions might seem pragmatic, but they ultimately dodge the bigger issue at hand: getting MPs the information they need to hold the government accountable.
The Core of the Debate: Transparency vs. Control
At the heart of this debate lies a fundamental clash between the desire for parliamentary transparency and the bureaucratic resistance to change. Bill 377 represents a push for greater accountability, empowering MPs to do their jobs by giving them the right to apply for security clearances. Yet, the Liberal swamp—with the help of cautious allies like Gaudreau and procedural obsessives like Mathyssen—has thrown up roadblocks at every turn.
The real issue isn’t the security clearance process itself, but the fear of losing control. The Liberal establishment doesn’t want MPs having access to sensitive information because it could disrupt their carefully guarded monopoly on national security oversight. By using hypotheticals, fear-mongering, and bureaucratic delay tactics, they’ve managed to stall real progress toward government transparency.
Bill 377 Is a Step Toward Accountability
Let’s cut to the chase: Bill 377 is nothing more than a common-sense proposal designed to do what every elected official in a free and democratic society should be able to do—apply for security clearances. That’s right—apply—not automatically gain access to top-secret documents, but simply go through the same vetting process as bureaucrats, staffers, and even interns working in government offices. It’s the least we should expect for those trusted to make decisions that directly impact the safety and security of our nation. Yet, here we are, watching the Liberal swamp and their bureaucratic enablers scramble to protect their stranglehold on power.
Let’s be clear about one thing: the pushback you’re hearing from Liberal MPs, bureaucrats. No, it’s about protecting their own power. They don’t want MPs—especially those from the Conservative benches—to have access to the information they need to do their jobs. Why? Because the Liberal establishment thrives in the darkness. They want to keep control centralized in the PMO and the hands of a few bureaucratic elites who answer to Justin Trudeau and his lackeys.
Ask yourself: Why are low-level staffers and interns granted security clearances, but elected MPs are treated like children who can’t be trusted with the truth? This isn’t about safety—this is about maintaining the status quo. They’re terrified of transparency. They’re terrified of accountability. And most of all, they’re terrified of MPs having the power to actually hold them accountable for their failures, their corruption, and their incompetence in safeguarding our nation.
Alex Ruff, Eric Duncan, and their Conservative colleagues aren’t fighting for some partisan gain here. They’re fighting for transparency and accountability—the two things the Liberal swamp fears the most. These MPs understand what the Liberal establishment refuses to admit: MPs represent the people. They are elected by Canadians to make decisions on behalf of the public, and denying them access to the information they need to oversee national security is a slap in the face to every Canadian citizen who voted them into office.
Bill 377 is about restoring power where it belongs—in the hands of elected representatives. It’s about ensuring that those entrusted with the responsibility to oversee Canada’s security apparatus aren’t left out of the loop by unelected bureaucrats hiding behind layers of red tape. This is about draining the swamp and taking the first step toward restoring accountability in government.
The Liberal swamp, with its endless bureaucratic fog, wants to keep everything behind closed doors. They want to maintain a system where only a select few—those who answer directly to the PMO—have access to the truth. They’ve turned national security into their own private kingdom, where only the loyal subjects of the Liberal elite are given clearance to enter. This isn’t about protecting Canada—it’s about protecting their grip on power.
But make no mistake—Bill 377 is the first strike against that corrupt system. It’s a crucial step toward ensuring that MPs have the tools they need to hold the government accountable, to oversee national security policies, and to ensure that the interests of the Canadian people are protected, not just the interests of the Liberal elite.
It’s time to cut through the bureaucratic nonsense and recognize Bill 377 for what it is: a bill that empowers MPs to do their jobs effectively. Anything less than full support for this bill is just another victory for the Liberal swamp—another step toward more secrecy, more control, and less accountability.
Canada deserves better. Canadians deserve leaders who have the power to hold their government accountable. Bill 377 is a patriotic first step toward that goal. Let’s drain the swamp and return power where it belongs—to the people and their elected representatives.
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Aristotle Foundation
The Canadian Medical Association’s inexplicable stance on pediatric gender medicine

By Dr. J. Edward Les
The thalidomide saga is particularly instructive: Canada was the last developed country to pull thalidomide from its shelves — three months during which babies continued to be born in this country with absent or deformed limbs
Physicians have a duty to put forward the best possible evidence, not ideology, based treatments
Late last month, the Canadian Medical Association (CMA) announced that it, along with three Alberta doctors, had filed a constitutional challenge to Alberta’s Bill 26 “to protect the relationship between patients, their families and doctors when it comes to making treatment decisions.”
Bill 26, which became law last December, prohibits doctors in the province from prescribing puberty blockers and hormone therapies for those under 16; it also bans doctors from performing gender-reassignment surgeries on minors (those under 18).
The unprecedented CMA action follows its strongly worded response in February 2024 to Alberta’s (at the time) proposed legislation:
“The CMA is deeply concerned about any government proposal that restricts access to evidence-based medical care, including the Alberta government’s proposed restrictions on gender-affirming treatments for pediatric transgender patients.”
But here’s the problem with that statement, and with the CMA’s position: the evidence supporting the “gender affirmation” model of care — which propels minors onto puberty blockers, cross-gender hormones, and in some cases, surgery — is essentially non-existent. That’s why the United Kingdom’s Conservative government, in the aftermath of the exhaustive four-year-long Cass Review, which laid bare the lack of evidence for that model, and which shone a light on the deeply troubling potential for the model’s irreversible harm to youth, initiated a temporary ban on puberty blockers — a ban made permanent last December by the subsequent Labour government. And that’s why other European jurisdictions like Finland and Sweden, after reviews of gender affirming care practices in their countries, have similarly slammed the brakes on the administration of puberty blockers and cross-gender hormones to minors.
It’s not only the Europeans who have raised concerns. The alarm bells are ringing loudly within our own borders: earlier this year, a group at McMaster University, headed by none other than Dr. Gordon Guyatt, one of the founding gurus of the “evidence-based care” construct that rightfully underpins modern medical practice, issued a pair of exhaustive systematic reviews and meta analyses that cast grave doubts on the wisdom of prescribing these drugs to youth.
And yet, the CMA purports to be “deeply concerned about any government proposal that restricts access to evidence-based medical care,” which begs the obvious question: Where, exactly, is the evidence for the benefits of the “gender affirming” model of care? The answer is that it’s scant at best. Worse, the evidence that does exist, points, on balance, to infliction of harm, rather than provision of benefit.
CMA President Joss Reimer, in the group’s announcement of the organization’s legal action, said:
“Medicine is a calling. Doctors pursue it because they are compelled to care for and promote the well-being of patients. When a government bans specific treatments, it interferes with a doctor’s ability to empower patients to choose the best care possible.”
Indeed, we physicians have a sacred duty to pursue the well-being of our patients. But that means that we should be putting forward the best possible treatments based on actual evidence.
When Dr. Reimer states that a government that bans specific treatments is interfering with medical care, she displays a woeful ignorance of medical history. Because doctors don’t always get things right: look to the sad narratives of frontal lobotomies, the oxycontin crisis, thalidomide, to name a few.
The thalidomide saga is particularly instructive: it illustrates what happens when a government drags its heels on necessary action. Canada was the last developed country to pull thalidomide, given to pregnant women for morning sickness, from its shelves, three months after it had been banned everywhere else — three months during which babies continued to be born in this country with absent or deformed limbs, along with other severe anomalies. It’s a shameful chapter in our medical past, but it pales in comparison to the astonishing intransigence our medical leaders have displayed — and continue to display — on the youth gender care file.
A final note (prompted by thalidomide’s history), to speak to a significant quibble I have with Alberta’s Bill 26 legislation: as much as I admire Premier Danielle Smith’s courage in bringing it forward, the law contains a loophole allowing minors already on puberty blockers and cross-gender hormones to continue to take them. Imagine if, after it was removed from the shelves in 1962, government had allowed pregnant women already on the drug to continue to take thalidomide. Would that have made any sense? Of course not. And the same applies to puberty blockers and cross-gender hormones: they should be banned outright for all youth.
That argument is the kind our medical associations should be making — and would be making, if they weren’t so firmly in the grasp, seemingly, of ideologues who have abandoned evidence-based medical care for our youth.
J. Edward Les is a Calgary pediatrician, a senior fellow with the Aristotle Foundation for Public Policy, and co-author of “Teenagers, Children, and Gender Transition Policy: A Comparison of Transgender Medical Policy for Minors in Canada, the United States, and Europe.”
Alberta
Alberta’s grand bargain with Canada includes a new pipeline to Prince Rupert

From Resource Now
Alberta renews call for West Coast oil pipeline amid shifting federal, geopolitical dynamics.
Just six months ago, talk of resurrecting some version of the Northern Gateway pipeline would have been unthinkable. But with the election of Donald Trump in the U.S. and Mark Carney in Canada, it’s now thinkable.
In fact, Alberta Premier Danielle Smith seems to be making Northern Gateway 2.0 a top priority and a condition for Alberta staying within the Canadian confederation and supporting Mark Carney’s vision of making Canada an Energy superpower. Thanks to Donald Trump threatening Canadian sovereignty and its economy, there has been a noticeable zeitgeist shift in Canada. There is growing support for the idea of leveraging Canada’s natural resources and diversifying export markets to make it less vulnerable to an unpredictable southern neighbour.
“I think the world has changed dramatically since Donald Trump got elected in November,” Smith said at a keynote address Wednesday at the Global Energy Show Canada in Calgary. “I think that’s changed the national conversation.” Smith said she has been encouraged by the tack Carney has taken since being elected Prime Minister, and hopes to see real action from Ottawa in the coming months to address what Smith said is serious encumbrances to Alberta’s oil sector, including Bill C-69, an oil and gas emissions cap and a West Coast tanker oil ban. “I’m going to give him some time to work with us and I’m going to be optimistic,” Smith said. Removing the West Coast moratorium on oil tankers would be the first step needed to building a new oil pipeline line from Alberta to Prince Rupert. “We cannot build a pipeline to the west coast if there is a tanker ban,” Smith said. The next step would be getting First Nations on board. “Indigenous peoples have been shut out of the energy economy for generations, and we are now putting them at the heart of it,” Smith said.
Alberta currently produces about 4.3 million barrels of oil per day. Had the Northern Gateway, Keystone XL and Energy East pipelines been built, Alberta could now be producing and exporting an additional 2.5 million barrels of oil per day. The original Northern Gateway Pipeline — killed outright by the Justin Trudeau government — would have terminated in Kitimat. Smith is now talking about a pipeline that would terminate in Prince Rupert. This may obviate some of the concerns that Kitimat posed with oil tankers negotiating Douglas Channel, and their potential impacts on the marine environment.
One of the biggest hurdles to a pipeline to Prince Rupert may be B.C. Premier David Eby. The B.C. NDP government has a history of opposing oil pipelines with tooth and nail. Asked in a fireside chat by Peter Mansbridge how she would get around the B.C. problem, Smith confidently said: “I’ll convince David Eby.”
“I’m sensitive to the issues that were raised before,” she added. One of those concerns was emissions. But the Alberta government and oil industry has struck a grand bargain with Ottawa: pipelines for emissions abatement through carbon capture and storage.
The industry and government propose multi-billion investments in CCUS. The Pathways Alliance project alone represents an investment of $10 to $20 billion. Smith noted that there is no economic value in pumping CO2 underground. It only becomes economically viable if the tradeoff is greater production and export capacity for Alberta oil. “If you couple it with a million-barrel-per-day pipeline, well that allows you $20 billion worth of revenue year after year,” she said. “All of a sudden a $20 billion cost to have to decarbonize, it looks a lot more attractive when you have a new source of revenue.” When asked about the Prince Rupert pipeline proposal, Eby has responded that there is currently no proponent, and that it is therefore a bridge to cross when there is actually a proposal. “I think what I’ve heard Premier Eby say is that there is no project and no proponent,” Smith said. “Well, that’s my job. There will be soon. “We’re working very hard on being able to get industry players to realize this time may be different.” “We’re working on getting a proponent and route.”
At a number of sessions during the conference, Mansbridge has repeatedly asked speakers about the Alberta secession movement, and whether it might scare off investment capital. Alberta has been using the threat of secession as a threat if Ottawa does not address some of the province’s long-standing grievances. Smith said she hopes Carney takes it seriously. “I hope the prime minister doesn’t want to test it,” Smith said during a scrum with reporters. “I take it seriously. I have never seen separatist sentiment be as high as it is now. “I’ve also seen it dissipate when Ottawa addresses the concerns Alberta has.” She added that, if Carney wants a true nation-building project to fast-track, she can’t think of a better one than a new West Coast pipeline. “I can’t imagine that there will be another project on the national list that will generate as much revenue, as much GDP, as many high paying jobs as a bitumen pipeline to the coast.”
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