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Fraser Institute

Other countries with universal health care don’t have Canada’s long wait times

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From the Fraser Institute

By Mackenzie Moir and Bacchus Barua

Unfortunately it’s now very common to see stories about how long provincial wait times for medical care are driving patients to seek care elsewhere, often at great personal cost. Take the recent case of the  Milburns in Manitoba who, after waiting years for a knee surgery, are now considering selling their home and moving to Alberta just to get on a potentially shorter public wait list.

Patients in Manitoba could expect to wait a median of 29 weeks to see an orthopedic specialist after a referral from a family physician, then they still faced a median 24.4 week wait to get treatment. In other words, the total typical wait for orthopedic surgery in the province is more than one year at 53.4 weeks. Remember, that’s a median measure, which means some patients wait much longer.

Unfortunately, the Milburns are unlikely to get more timely care on the public wait list in Alberta. At 64.1 weeks, the total median wait for orthopedic care in Alberta was actually longer than in Manitoba. And this doesn’t include the time it takes for provincial coverage to activate for a new provincial resident, or the time it will take to find a new family doctor and get the necessary tests, scans and referrals.

To get more timely care, the Milburns are left with unenviable options. Because they’re insured by Manitoba’s public health-care plan, paying for covered care out of pocket is restricted. They can, however, pay for and receive care privately in other provinces as uninsured visitors (i.e. not move there permanently). Specifically, certain provinces have “exemptions” that allow physicians to charge out-of-province patients directly to provide these procedures privately.

Alternatively, the Milburns could leave Canada and travel even further from home to receive timely care abroad.

But it doesn’t have to be this way.

Long wait times are not the necessary price Canadians must pay for universal coverage. In fact, Canada is one of 30 high-income countries with universal health care. Other countries such as Switzerland, the Netherlands, Germany and Australia have much shorter wait times. For example, only 62 per cent of Canadians reported access to non-emergency surgery in less than four months in 2020 compared to 99 per cent of Germans, 94 per cent of Swiss and 72 per cent of Australians.

The difference? These countries approach health care in a fundamentally different way than us. One notable difference is their attitude towards the private sector.

In Germany, patients can seek private care while still insured by the public system or can opt out and purchase regulated private coverage. These approaches (universal, privately paid or privately insured) are able to deliver rapid access to care. The Swiss simply mandate that patients purchase private insurance in a regulated-but-competitive marketplace as part of their universal scheme. Lower-income families receive a subsidy so they can participate on a more equal footing in the competitive marketplace to obtain the insurance that best fits their needs.

Perhaps the most direct comparator to Canada is Australia—not just geographically, but because it also primarily relies on a tax-funded universal health-care system. However, unlike Canada, individuals can purchase private insurance to cover (among other things) care received as a private patient in a public or private hospital, or simply pay for their private care directly if they choose. In 2021/22 more than two-thirds (70 per cent) of non-emergency admissions to a hospital involving surgery (both publicly and privately funded) took place in a private facility.

Of course, these faster-access countries share other differences in attitudes to universal health-care policy including requirements to share the cost of care for patients and funding hospitals on the basis of activity (instead of Canada’s outdated bureaucratically-determined budgets). A crucial difference, however, is that patients are not generally prevented from paying privately for health care in their home province (or canton or state) in any of these countries.

Without fundamental reform, and as provincial systems continue to struggle to provide basic non-emergency care, we’ll continue to see more stories like the Milburn’s. Without reform, many Canadians will continue to be forced to make similarly absurd decisions to get the care they need, rather than focusing on treatment and recovery.

Alberta

A Christmas wish list for health-care reform

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From the Fraser Institute

By Nadeem Esmail and Mackenzie Moir

It’s an exciting time in Canadian health-care policy. But even the slew of new reforms in Alberta only go part of the way to using all the policy tools employed by high performing universal health-care systems.

For 2026, for the sake of Canadian patients, let’s hope Alberta stays the path on changes to how hospitals are paid and allowing some private purchases of health care, and that other provinces start to catch up.

While Alberta’s new reforms were welcome news this year, it’s clear Canada’s health-care system continued to struggle. Canadians were reminded by our annual comparison of health care systems that they pay for one of the developed world’s most expensive universal health-care systems, yet have some of the fewest physicians and hospital beds, while waiting in some of the longest queues.

And speaking of queues, wait times across Canada for non-emergency care reached the second-highest level ever measured at 28.6 weeks from general practitioner referral to actual treatment. That’s more than triple the wait of the early 1990s despite decades of government promises and spending commitments. Other work found that at least 23,746 patients died while waiting for care, and nearly 1.3 million Canadians left our overcrowded emergency rooms without being treated.

At least one province has shown a genuine willingness to do something about these problems.

The Smith government in Alberta announced early in the year that it would move towards paying hospitals per-patient treated as opposed to a fixed annual budget, a policy approach that Quebec has been working on for years. Albertans will also soon be able purchase, at least in a limited way, some diagnostic and surgical services for themselves, which is again already possible in Quebec. Alberta has also gone a step further by allowing physicians to work in both public and private settings.

While controversial in Canada, these approaches simply mirror what is being done in all of the developed world’s top-performing universal health-care systems. Australia, the Netherlands, Germany and Switzerland all pay their hospitals per patient treated, and allow patients the opportunity to purchase care privately if they wish. They all also have better and faster universally accessible health care than Canada’s provinces provide, while spending a little more (Switzerland) or less (Australia, Germany, the Netherlands) than we do.

While these reforms are clearly a step in the right direction, there’s more to be done.

Even if we include Alberta’s reforms, these countries still do some very important things differently.

Critically, all of these countries expect patients to pay a small amount for their universally accessible services. The reasoning is straightforward: we all spend our own money more carefully than we spend someone else’s, and patients will make more informed decisions about when and where it’s best to access the health-care system when they have to pay a little out of pocket.

The evidence around this policy is clear—with appropriate safeguards to protect the very ill and exemptions for lower-income and other vulnerable populations, the demand for outpatient healthcare services falls, reducing delays and freeing up resources for others.

Charging patients even small amounts for care would of course violate the Canada Health Act, but it would also emulate the approach of 100 per cent of the developed world’s top-performing health-care systems. In this case, violating outdated federal policy means better universal health care for Canadians.

These top-performing countries also see the private sector and innovative entrepreneurs as partners in delivering universal health care. A relationship that is far different from the limited individual contracts some provinces have with private clinics and surgical centres to provide care in Canada. In these other countries, even full-service hospitals are operated by private providers. Importantly, partnering with innovative private providers, even hospitals, to deliver universal health care does not violate the Canada Health Act.

So, while Alberta has made strides this past year moving towards the well-established higher performance policy approach followed elsewhere, the Smith government remains at least a couple steps short of truly adopting a more Australian or European approach for health care. And other provinces have yet to even get to where Alberta will soon be.

Let’s hope in 2026 that Alberta keeps moving towards a truly world class universal health-care experience for patients, and that the other provinces catch up.

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Environment

Canada’s river water quality strong overall although some localized issues persist

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From the Fraser Institute

By Annika Segelhorst and Elmira Aliakbari

Canada’s rivers are vital to our environment and economy. Clean freshwater is essential to support recreation, agriculture and industry, an to sustain suitable habitat for wildlife. Conversely, degraded freshwater can make it harder to maintain safe drinking water and can harm aquatic life. So, how healthy are Canada’s rivers today?

To answer that question, Environment Canada uses an index of water quality to assess freshwater quality at monitoring stations across the country. In total, scores are available for 165 monitoring stations, jointly maintained by Environment Canada and provincial authorities, from 17 in Newfoundland and Labrador, to 8 in Saskatchewan and 20 in British Columbia.

This index works like a report card for rivers, converting water test results into scores from 0 to 100. Scientists sample river water three or more times per year at fixed locations, testing indicators such as oxygen levels, nutrients and chemical levels. These measurements are then compared against national and provincial guidelines that determine the ability of a waterway to support aquatic life.

Scores are calculated based on three factors: how many guidelines are exceeded, how often they are exceeded, and by how much they are exceeded. A score of 95-100 is “excellent,” 80-94 is “good,” 65-79 is “fair,” 45-64 is “marginal” and a score below 45 is “poor.” The most recent scores are based on data from 2021 to 2023.

Among 165 river monitoring sites across the country, the average score was 76.7. Sites along four major rivers earned a perfect score: the Northeast Magaree River (Nova Scotia), the Restigouche River (New Brunswick), the South Saskatchewan River (Saskatchewan) and the Bow River (Alberta). The Bayonne River, a tributary of the St. Lawrence River near Berthierville, Quebec, scored the lowest (33.0).

Overall, between 2021 and 2023, 83.0 per cent of monitoring sites across the country recorded fair to excellent water quality. This is a strong positive signal that most of Canada’s rivers are in generally healthy environmental condition.

A total of 13.3 per cent of stations were deemed to be marginal, that is, they received a score of 45-64 on the index. Only 3.6 per cent of monitoring sites fell into the poor category, meaning that severe degradation was limited to only a few sites (6 of 165).

Monitoring sites along waterways with relatively less development in the river’s headwaters and those with lower population density tended to earn higher scores than sites with developed land uses. However, among the 11 river monitoring sites that rated “excellent,” 8 were situated in areas facing a combination of pressures from nearby human activities that can influence water quality. This indicates the resilience of Canada’s river ecosystems, even in areas facing a combination of multiple stressors from urban runoff, agriculture, and industrial activities where waterways would otherwise be expected to be the most polluted.

Poor or marginal water quality was relatively more common in monitoring sites located along the St. Lawrence River and its major tributaries and near the Great Lakes compared to other regions. Among all sites in the marginal or poor category, 50 per cent were in this area. The Great Lakes-St. Lawrence region is one of the most population-dense and extensively developed parts of Canada, supporting a mix of urban, agricultural, and industrial land uses. These pressures can introduce harmful chemical contaminants and alter nutrient balances in waterways, impairing ecosystem health.

In general, monitoring sites categorized as marginal or poor tended to be located near intensive agriculture and industrial activities. However, it’s important to reiterate that only 28 stations representing 17.0 per cent of all monitoring stations were deemed to be marginal or poor.

Provincial results vary, as shown in the figure below. Water quality scores in Newfoundland and Labrador, Prince Edward Island, New Brunswick, Saskatchewan and Alberta were, on average, 80 points or higher during the period from 2021 to 2023, indicating that water quality rarely departed from natural or desirable levels.

Rivers sites in Nova Scotia, Ontario, Manitoba and B.C. each had average scores between 74 and 78 points, suggesting occasional departures from natural or desirable levels.

Finally, Quebec’s average river water quality score was 64.5 during the 2021 to 2023 period. This score indicates that water quality departed from ideal conditions more frequently in Quebec than in other provinces, especially compared to provinces like Alberta, Saskatchewan and P.E.I. where no sites rated below “fair.”

Overall, these results highlight Canada’s success in maintaining a generally high quality of water in our rivers. Most waterways are in good shape, though some regions—especially near the Great Lakes and along the St. Lawrence River Valley—continue to face pressures from the combined effects of population growth and intensive land use.

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