Alberta
Multi-million dollar drug seizure in southwest Edmonton

News release from ALERT (The Alberta Law Enforcement Response Team)
Nearly $2.5 million in drugs and cash was seized from a southwest Edmonton condo building. A warrant has been issued for an Edmonton man.
ALERT Edmonton’s organized crime team made the seizure on October 9, 2024 after searching an address in the Windermere neighbourhood. The Edmonton Police Service helped with the search warrant execution.
ALERT seized an estimated $2.3 million worth of drugs, which included:
- 17.7 kilograms of cocaine;
- 5.3 kilograms of MDMA;
- 950 grams of methamphetamine;
- 3.1 kilograms of ketamine;
- 5 kilograms of psilocybin mushrooms;
- 20,000 oxycodone pills;
- 4,705 illicit prescription pills;
- $41,000 cash.
ALERT searched the address following an investigation that dates back to June 2024. Investigators developed information about a high-level drug trafficker operating in the Edmonton area with a number of supply lines.
The drug seizure marks ALERT’s largest since a record bust earlier in the year. In August, 27 kilograms of cocaine were seized from a west Edmonton home. The two investigations are unrelated.
A warrant has been issued for the arrest of Minh Nguyen. The 36-year-old Edmonton man is wanted on charges of possession of drugs for the purpose of trafficking, possession of proceeds of crime, and possession of counterfeit money.
Anyone with information on his whereabouts is asked to contact police.
The investigation began in June 2024 after ALERT received information about a drug supplier based in the Edmonton area. ALERT alleges Nguyen was supplying other drug dealers in Edmonton and northern Alberta communities.
Members of the public who suspect drug or gang activity in their community can call local police, or contact Crime Stoppers at 1-800-222-TIPS (8477). Crime Stoppers is always anonymous.
ALERT was established and is funded by the Alberta Government and is a compilation of the province’s most sophisticated law enforcement resources committed to tackling serious and organized crime.
Alberta
Good Sense Beats Team Canada’s Hysteria

In the tariff crisis of 2025, Canada tested its mettle, and the result was revealing. At the center stood Premier Danielle Smith, who chose steady, substantive leadership over juvenile posturing and theatrical bravado. Ottawa’s Prime Minister Mark Carney and Alberta NDP leader Naheed Nenshi indulged in overly-inflated martial rhetoric and fear-driven posturing.
Carney’s tactics have failed to secure any meaningful results, and he now proposes to do what Premier Smith was doing from the start. My purpose is not to flatter Alberta’s premier, but to show the self-serving strategy and base tactics of those who attacked her.
In short, given the state manipulation of media and the self-inflicted amnesia of the age, I would like to document some of what the progressive politicians wanted to do, and what they said, to remind us of the shallow leadership in the country, and to say what the mainstream media isn’t going to say. Danielle Smith’s calm, clear-eyed approach was prudent leadership. The rest was a useless political spectacle geared exclusively to improve the electoral fortunes of the ruling Party in Ottawa. The strategy was devised to serve the interests of the federal Liberal Party, not the interests of Canadians.
When the Storm Hit: Carney’s Rhetoric Without Results
The shock arrived in January, though the first stab was delivered to Justin the previous Fall when he visited Trump in Mar-a-Lago on November 29th. Donald Trump, newly back in the White House, announced a raft of tariffs on Canadian steel and aluminum and threatened levies on agriculture and energy-related products. The move struck at the very architecture of the United States–Mexico–Canada Agreement (USMCA), the framework meant to stabilize continental trade. Canada sends three-quarters of its exports to the United States; the relationship is not optional or trivial; it is crucial. This dependency deepened during the Trudeau years, notably in his refusal to approve infrastructure for selling Canadian energy overseas and in declining pleas from Europeans to sell them natural gas. Ottawa likes to talk about diversification, but when three in four dollars of export income depend on one customer, the arithmetic speaks for itself.
Carney, still in the honeymoon phase of his premiership, treated the shock as an opportunity to prove his campaign rhetoric. During debates, he had cast himself as the lone Canadian able to face down Trump, a Trump-whisperer of sorts, boasting of his international experience as governor of the Bank of England and promising to “crush” the Americans in trade negotiations. When the cameras turned to him, he reached for the hyperbolic language of battle.
On March 27, 2025, Prime Minister Carney told reporters: “Nothing is off the table regarding possible countermeasures.” Carney declared on that same day that “the era of close economic integration and security cooperation with the United States is over,” following an announcement of sweeping U.S. auto tariffs. This was a radical policy shift in the history of the country, an announcement made without any debate in the public square or in Parliament. The longstanding Canada–U.S. partnership built on deep integration was no longer intact, and there would be “no turning back” from this shift. Many chose to celebrate this announcement without considering the consequences.
Four days later, on March 31, Carney expanded the message in a more impassioned speech: “We won’t back down. We will respond forcefully. Nothing is off the table to defend our workers and our country.” The environmentalist woke banker was now the defender of Canada’s working class, the same working class he declared seditious for questioning government policy during the truckers’ protest.
The language was now definitive, dramatic, and even intoxicating to some Canadians. Ottawa reporters applauded the elbows-up posture. But it was rhetoric without a plan.
Danielle Smith’s Steady Course: Strategy Over Spectacle
Smith’s view of the crisis was rooted not in theatre but in facts. Alberta exports over 3.3 million barrels of oil a day to the United States. That crude feeds refineries in the Midwest and the Gulf Coast, which in turn supply gasoline and diesel back into Canadian markets. Oil is not simply Alberta’s business; it is the circulatory system of the North American economy. To threaten to cut it off would be to shoot ourselves in the leg to prove a point.
Smith said as much at press conferences in mid-January. She warned that if Ottawa tried to embargo energy exports as retaliation, the fallout would be national: “Refineries in Ontario and Quebec, industries across the country, all depend on Alberta’s oil. Empty threats may make headlines, but they won’t keep Canadians working.”
She was clear that oil must not become a weapon. She was also pointing out the crucial strategic reality that, citing oil flows to the US, one would have to cut oil flows to Eastern Canadian markets from Alberta, an absurd way to hurt Canada’s largest market for the sake of hurting Americans. Who negotiates by putting a loaded weapon to their own head?
If Trump was enlisting chaos, Danielle Smith understood that bringing more chaos into the equation would only serve the interests of those weaponizing chaos: “Our energy exports are a source of stability, not leverage.”
Smith’s rationale ran deeper than provincial parochialism; it rested on the realistic understanding that energy flows sustain industries coast-to-coast. Instead of using oil as a cudgel, she pressed for engagement. Her trip to Mar-a-Lago, facilitated by Kevin O’Leary, was ridiculed by critics as social climbing. But Smith’s purpose was straightforward: to remind Trump and his circle that Alberta’s oil kept America’s economy moving, and that undermining that relationship would hurt both sides.
It was not glamorous politics. It did not satisfy the simplistic appetite for “elbows up” or the primal need to see Canada throw punches. But it was prudent. It sought to preserve what mattered most: stability, credibility, and the livelihoods tied to cross-border trade.
Nenshi’s Alarmism: From Existential Threats to Boycott Appeal
But not all Alberta politicians are endowed with the common sense and good judgment that Premier Smith showed in this trade conflict with the US. If Carney set the hyperbolic tone in Ottawa, Naheed Nenshi amplified it from Edmonton. His rhetoric soared to near-apocalyptic levels when he told reporters the US tariffs represented the possibility of demise: “These tariffs are an existential threat to Canada’s economy and way of life.”
Such language is typically reserved for nuclear war or famine, not tariff skirmishes. Nenshi displayed no understanding of how Canadian tariffs on the US would hurt Canadian workers the most. By invoking existential peril, Nenshi helped to transform a serious but manageable dispute into an exaggerated drama of survival. The effect was to raise anxiety, to send his constituents into spastic bouts, but not to offer solutions.
In his typical boisterous way, He went further in mocking Smith personally about the premier’s Mar-a-Lago outreach: “It was just a balls-and-parties tour.”
This was not a critique; it was juvenile taunting. It sought only to diminish Smith by ridicule. Beyond that, he urged Albertans to “buy Canadian-made goods” in defiance of “American economic aggression.” This had populist resonance—shop patriotically, hurt the Americans where it counts. But its undertone was darker. It cast American producers as enemies rather than partners, sliding toward the kind of cultural hostility that corrodes continental goodwill. That, and the fact that it is the wrong strategy: Canada can never become wealthier and better only consuming what it produces.
Together with Carney and others, Nenshi’s words painted a picture of politics as theatre: existential peril, carnival mockery, economic nationalism. It was louder than Smith’s steady counsel, but it was also shallower. What it offered in emotional release, it lacked in constructive substance.
Lukaszuk’s Overheated Rebuke: “Shameful” and “Without Shame”
Thomas Lukaszuk, Alberta’s deputy premier in the most corrupt government in Alberta’s history, joined the chorus with his own brand of vitriol. He lambasted Smith’s Mar-a-Lago trip as deceitful: “Ms. Smith is without shame… it was probably inevitable she would show up at the side of Mr. Trump.”
He accused her of disguising the visit as a private vacation, calling it “shameful” and suggesting it was “perhaps an intentional attempt to deceive.” He demanded transparency: if she met with Trump and O’Leary, why was it not cleared with federal or provincial officials?
Lukaszuk’s barbs were not a critique of trade policy; they were an indictment of Smith’s character, almost suggesting Smith was treasonous. By casting her outreach as dishonesty, he implied she was not merely mistaken but disloyal. The attack was moralistic, not analytic. And it was hyperbolic: to suggest that a premier speaking to a U.S. president about Alberta’s energy could be “without shame” is to invert priorities and to show a warped understanding of political activity from executive places. Where Smith sought stability, Lukaszuk indulged outrage. Where she made arguments, he delivered invective. Smith prevailed.
The Federal Failure: Loud Words, No Leverage
The accurate measure of Ottawa’s approach lies in the success of its outcomes. In January, Carney promised “maximum impact” and “nothing off the table.” By March, the Americans had not budged. By summer, Carney was already preparing to climb down.
On August 22, 2025, during a press conference announcing a rollback of Canada’s retaliatory tariffs, Carney said: “Canada and the U.S. have now re-established free trade for the vast majority of our goods.”
The announcement was spun as a win—“we have restored free trade for the vast majority of goods.” But in fact, it was a concession. Trump had not withdrawn his supposedly existence-threatening tariffs. But Canada had withdrawn its retaliation. Ottawa had failed to secure a deal. The country was left where Smith had said it should remain: keep the arteries of trade open, defend a few vital sectors, and avoid damaging our own consumers.
The gap between promise and performance was humiliating. Carney had campaigned as the expert negotiator who alone could handle Trump. He had threatened “crush force” against the Americans, to deliver maximum pain. In the end, he managed a quiet surrender, hoping Canadians would mistake retreat for strategy. Trump, for his part, gloated. Canada, he said, had “come to its senses.” He took credit for Carney’s electoral success. The bluster of winter had dissolved into a whimper by summer.
Prime Minister Carney now claims he obtained the best deal of any country for Canada, but that is not true. Canada has exactly what Mexico has, except that Canada’s oil has a lower US tariff rate imposed because Danielle Smith negotiated it.
Who Showed Judgment
Strip away the noise, and the contrast is stark. Danielle Smith, much maligned, displayed judgment. She prioritized stability, preserved Alberta’s interests, and in doing so also sought to protect the national interest. She spoke frankly about the costs of empty, performative retaliation to the national economy. From the start, she cautioned against “empty threats.” She argued that weaponizing oil would trigger a unity crisis. She maintained that the priority was to keep trade stable, not to win headlines with elbows-up theatrics. Ottawa mocked her, pundits accused her of sabotage, Nenshi ridiculed her as unserious, and Lukaszuk branded her “shameful.” Yet months later, Ottawa adopted precisely the framework she had outlined.
Carney offered bluster, then quietly retreated. Nenshi offered mockery and alarms. Lukaszuk offered moral outrage. All three contributed to a theatre of hysteria that eroded Canada’s credibility abroad and coarsened discourse at home in ways that are damaging to the political fabric of the Canadian community.
Smith showed an understanding of how present action shapes future positions. Standing against the tide, she offered thoughtful solutions. Not loud, not glamorous—but steady, serious, and correct. She was punished for exposing the nonsensical nature of their exaggerated position. And in that punishment lies her vindication.
A Debt of Apology
What Alberta and its premier received instead was abuse. Smith was called a traitor, accused of siding with Trump, and branded “shameful.” People took to social media to insult Albertans, suggesting that it was no surprise the premier was a traitor because Albertans are traitors. She was ridiculed for rationally trying diplomacy. The verdict of hindsight is plain: it is Ottawa and its allies who owe Albertans an apology. NDP leaders like Lukaszuk and Nenshi should also apologize to the premier.
An apology, not because Smith needs it personally, but because Canadians should demand politics grounded in sound judgment, not hysteria. They deserve leaders who resist fearmongering, not indulge it. They deserve leadership that unites people, not divides them. They deserve policies that promote friendship with neighbouring nations, not encourage atavistic hatreds. They deserve debate that clarifies, not insults.
Premier Danielle Smith was right. The others were loud. And when the record is written, it will not be the theatre that matters, but the steadiness that kept Alberta and Canada from greater harm.
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Alberta
Canada’s equalization program is broken and requires major overhaul

From the Fraser Institute
By Tegan Hill and Nathaniel Li
Due to the “fixed-growth rule” introduced by the Harper government in 2009, the amount spent on equalization increases whether or not the gap between ”have not” and “have” provinces increases or decreases. For example, from 2007/08 to 2020/21, equalization payments increased by nearly 60 per cent despite the gap in fiscal capacities between richer and poorer provinces actually shrinking over that period.
As the Alberta Next Panel, which is tasked with assessing Alberta’s role in Confederation, reconvened last week, Canada’s equalization program remains near the top of the agenda. At the same time, the Alberta government is backing a legal challenge led by Newfoundland and Labrador arguing that the program does not achieve its intended purpose. While individuals may hold differing opinions on the program’s core principle—to ensure reasonably comparable public services delivered at reasonably comparable tax rates across the country—it’s clear that any reasonable assessment would find the current equalization system is broken.
Ottawa collects taxes from Canadians across the country then redistributes money to so-called “have not” provinces through equalization. To determine who gets money, the federal government calculates the “fiscal capacity” of each province—that is, a province’s ability to raise revenue. Basically, the formula applies a tax rate to different sources of income (including personal income, business income, resources, etc.) to determine how much revenue a province could generate. In theory, money from provinces with higher fiscal capacity (i.e. greater ability to raise revenue through taxes) is transferred to provinces with lower fiscal capacity.
This year, equalization payments will total a projected $26.2 billion. Seven provinces including Ontario, Quebec, Manitoba and all of Atlantic Canada will receive equalization payments. Alberta, British Columbia and Saskatchewan will not receive payments. Again, in theory, these three provinces have a greater ability to generate government revenue so they will not receive equalization.
But here’s the problem. Due to the “fixed-growth rule” introduced by the Harper government in 2009, the amount spent on equalization increases whether or not the gap between ”have not” and “have” provinces increases or decreases. For example, from 2007/08 to 2020/21, equalization payments increased by nearly 60 per cent despite the gap in fiscal capacities between richer and poorer provinces actually shrinking over that period.
If equalization is meant to close the gap between provinces, then the amount spent should reflect the gap. But the formula—and thus, the program—is broken.
More broadly, the principle of equalization—again, to ensure that all provinces can deliver reasonably comparable services at reasonably comparable tax rates—assumes that provinces with higher incomes (and a greater ability to generate tax revenues) will not receive equalization while provinces with lower incomes will receive equalization. Yet in 2020, for example, Newfoundland and Labrador, which received equalization, had higher income (measured by GDP per person) than B.C., which did not receive equalization. In 2018, Ontario had higher income than B.C., but Ontario was a recipient while B.C. was not. Clearly, there’s a problem with how the formula determines a recipient versus a contributing province.
Another problem is the treatment of subsidized electricity in Quebec and Manitoba. The Quebec government, for example, provides below-market electricity prices to Quebecers—even though charging the market rate would provide more revenues to Hydro Quebec, which manages the generation, transmission and distribution of electricity in the province. But the equalization formula only accounts for actual resource revenues and doesn’t account for this lower-than-market electricity rate in determining Quebec’s ability to raise revenues. In fact, an increase in Hydro Quebec’s profits of $100 million would result in a decrease in equalization payments of an estimated $70 million. Simply put, the equalization formula underestimates Quebec’s ability to raise revenue from its electricity provision while effectively penalizing provinces that don’t provide subsidies.
Ironically, the formula does not follow that same approach for Alberta, which has no provincial sales tax. Again, the formula accounts for Quebec’s actual resource revenue, not hypothetical resource revenue if Quebec charged market rates for its electricity. Yet the formula includes a hypothetical Alberta provincial sales tax when determining Alberta’s fiscal capacity. So, the formula does not penalize Quebec for foregone hydro revenues, but does penalize Alberta for foregone sales tax revenues. Quebec also bans fracking (as did Nova Scotia until lifting its ban), but the equalization formula does not apply any forgone hypothetical fracking-related resource revenue to Quebec. This inconsistency in the treatment of different types of revenue in different provinces is yet another sign of a fundamentally broken equalization system.
Reasonable people can debate the core principle of Canada’s equalization program, but as the Alberta Next Panel continues discussions, policymakers should recognize that the current system is badly broken and requires a major overhaul.

Nathaniel Li
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