Energy
Indigenous communities await Trans Mountain pipeline share

Tanker Dubai Angel at the Trans Mountain terminal, Burnaby
(Photo: Radio-Canada / Georgie Smyth / CBC)
From Resource Works
Ottawa’s Commitment to 30 percent Indigenous Stake in Trans Mountain Pipeline Still Awaiting Confirmation.
Indigenous leaders in Western Canada have been waiting for months for confirmation that the federal government will indeed enable Indigenous Peoples to get a 30 percent share in the Trans Mountain oil pipeline system.
That Ottawa has such a share in mind has been confirmed by Alberta Premier Danielle Smith. She says Ottawa is looking at possibly offering a loan guarantee to First Nations.
“They wanted to get the Indigenous partners to own 30 per cent. . . . It’s going to be a great source of income for the Indigenous partners.”
With the pipeline system’s capacity set to almost triple through the expansion project known as TMX, the federal government first announced in 2019, its intention to explore the possibility of the economic participation of 129 affected Indigenous Peoples.
Finance Minister Chrystia Freeland sent Indigenous leaders a letter last August outlining a plan to sell a stake in the pipeline system to eligible communities through a special-purpose vehicle. It said they would not have to risk any of their own money to participate.
But since then Indigenous groups have been awaiting further word from federal authorities on how and when the equity promise will be kept.
All Ottawa has said publicly is this on May 1: “The federal government will launch a divestment process in due course.”
Two key groups have aired proposals for acquiring equity in the oil pipeline:
- The Western Indigenous Pipeline Group was formed in 2018 “ to acquire a major stake in Trans Mountain for the benefit of Indigenous communities who live along the pipeline.” It’s been working behind the scenes, and, with Pembina Pipelines Corporation, developed in 2021 the Chinook Pathways operating partnership.
“Chinook Pathways is finance ready. There are no capital contributions required for Indigenous communities. We will structure the transaction so that participating communities will make zero financial contribution.”
- Project Reconciliation, also founded in 2018, proposed a ”framework” that would give ownership of the pipeline system to 129 Indigenous Peoples.
“We are poised to facilitate Indigenous ownership of up to 100 percent, fostering economic autonomy and environmental responsibility.”
And: “A portion of revenue generated (portion directed by each Indigenous community) will be used to establish the Indigenous Sovereign Wealth Fund, supporting investment in infrastructure, clean energy projects and renewable technologies.”
- A third group, the Alberta-based Iron Coalition, announced interest in TMX in 2019, but apparently dropped out in 2020.
In Alberta, the pipeline system spans the territories of Treaty 6, Treaty 8, and the Métis Nation of Alberta (Zone 4). In British Columbia, the system crosses numerous traditional territories and 15 First Nation reserves.
Commentator Joseph Quesnel writes: “According to Trans Mountain, there have been 73,000 points of contact with Indigenous communities throughout Alberta and British Columbia as the expansion was developed and constructed. . . .
“Beyond formal Indigenous engagement, the project proponent conducted numerous environmental and engineering field studies. These included studies drawing on deep Indigenous input, such as traditional ecological knowledge studies, traditional land use studies, and traditional marine land use studies.”
And Alberta’s Canadian Energy Centre reported: “In addition to $4.9 billion in contracts with Indigenous businesses during construction, the project leaves behind more than $650 million in benefit agreements and $1.2 billion in skills training with Indigenous communities.”
Not all First Nations have been happy with the expansion project.
In 2018, the federal appeal court ruled that Ottawa had failed to consider the concerns of several nations that challenged the project. In 2019, the project was re-approved by Ottawa, and again several nations (including the Squamish and Tsleil-Waututh) appealed. That appeal was dismissed in 2020. The nations then went to the Supreme Court of Canada, but it declined to hear the case.
Private company Kinder Morgan originally proposed the expansion project, but when it threatened to back out in 2018, the federal government stepped in and bought the existing pipeline, and the expansion project, for $4.5-billion. Ottawa said it was “a necessary and serious investment in the national interest.”
Ottawa at that time estimated that the total cost of the expansion project would come in around $7.4 billion. But cost overruns have since driven the final price to some $34 billion.
On the other hand, Ernst & Young found that between 2024 and 2043, the expanded Trans Mountain system will pay $3.7 billion in wages, generate $9.2 billion in GDP, and pay $2.8 billion in government taxes.
The TMX expansion twinned the 1953 Trans Mountain pipeline from near Edmonton to Burnaby (1,150 km) and increased the system’s capacity to 890,000 barrels a day from 300,000 barrels a day.
The original pipeline will carry refined products, synthetic crude oils, and light crude oils with the capability for heavy crude oils. The new pipeline will primarily carry heavier oils but can also transport lighter oils.
And the Alberta Energy Regulator says it expects oilsands production to grow by more than 17 per cent by 2033 (increasing to four million barrels a day from 3.4 million in 2023). And it expects global oil prices will continue to rise.
The TMX expansion finally opened and began to fill on May 1 this year.
And, as our CEO Stewart Muir noted, there was a quick reduction of eight cents a litre in gasoline prices for Vancouver due to completion of the project.
From Trans Mountain’s Westridge Marine Terminal at Burnaby, around three million barrels of oil have been shipped to China or India since the TMX expansion opened.
But because the port of Vancouver can handle only smaller Aframax tankers, more than half the oil has first been shipped to California, where it is then transferred to much larger VLCC (Very Large Crude Carrier) tankers. That makes for a longer but potentially cheaper journey.
At Westridge, because of limited tanker size, cargoes are limited to about 600,000 barrels per Aframax vessel. The largest VLCCs can carry two million barrels of oil. Westridge now can handle 34 Aframax tankers per month.
Some 20 tankers loaded oil there in June, a couple fewer than TMX had hoped for.
“This first month is just shy of the 350,000-400,000 bpd (barrels a day) we expected ahead of the startup,” said shipping analyst Matt Smith. “We are still in the discovery phase, with kinks being ironed out . . . but in the grand scheme of things, this has been a solid start.”
The Dubai Angel became the first Aframax tanker to load at Westridge. It took on 550,000 barrels of Alberta crude in the last week of May, and headed for the port of Zhoushan, China.
Now the Dubai Angel is headed to Burnaby for another load, and is expected to arrive there on July 8.
Energy
Could the G7 Summit in Alberta be a historic moment for Canadian energy?

From Resource Works
Canada can be the democratic world’s top energy supplier, and the G7 Summit in Alberta is the perfect time to commit to that.
Canada is at the crossroads of opportunity as the leaders of the G7 convene in Kananaskis, Alberta.
An Ipsos poll has named Canada the top preferred oil supplier among G7 countries for the second time since 2023. No less than 68 percent of G7 respondents declared that Canada was among their top three choices to supply oil.
This should be yet another motivator for Canada to solidify itself as a key player in energy security and economic stability among the democratic nations.
The timing and location of this year’s G7 summit shows how important Canada can be to the world. Alberta, Canada’s energy heartland, is the source of nearly all of the country’s oil, and the provincial government wants more of it to reach global markets.
Those geopolitical anxieties caused by Russia’s invasion of Ukraine in 2022 have not disappeared, and Canada’s allies and partners like the European Union (EU), Japan, South Korea, and India are looking for a reliable and responsible partner to supply them with energy, and we are the best and most obvious choice.
Willing partners are easy to find overseas, but the other provinces and the federal government need to become equally enthusiastic first.
There is more to this than mere symbolism. Canada embracing its position as the most desirable supplier of oil makes complete sense.
In 2023, Ipsos found that Canada’s political stability, comprehensive environmental rules, and strong regulatory frameworks are why it ranked first among preferred oil suppliers. Norway is another popular option, but Canada has the advantage of better market access to the United States and the Asia-Pacific, along with established infrastructure and an open government.
It all combines to create a distinct advantage for Canada in the world of trade.
The US has slid as a popular oil supplier, to Canada’s advantage, and we need to capitalize on that more than ever.
As Russia’s bloody, disruptive war with Ukraine continues to drag on, the EU still needs sources of alternative energy to make a clean break with Moscow. Russia had previously served as the bloc’s effective gas station, albeit one armed with nuclear weapons.
G7 member states like Britain and the EU are looking to slap even stricter limits on Russian energy exports that go beyond what is already in place. Whatever Russia has to lose is Canada’s to gain.
Canada began to enlarge its export capacity last year with the completion of the twinning of Trans Mountain pipeline (TMX), enabling Canada to double the amount of oil it can pipe to Pacific markets. Shipping larger amounts of Canadian energy to partners in Japan, India, South Korea, and others has never been easier.
It was a monumental example of how investing in the right sorts of infrastructure can improve economic security, both nationally and internationally. Internally, developing the oil industry is a long term goal of First Nations leaders and communities.
The myth of First Nations opposing the expansion of oil and gas is one that needs to die. The Indian Resource Council, which represents over 130 First Nations, has repeatedly championed the responsible development of natural resources as a means of fostering economic independence and community renewal.
Many First Nations and other Indigenous groups have invested heavily into pipelines, production sites and storage facilities, and want to expand it further. In terms of pure economic value, there is not another industry that has created more wealth in Indigenous communities across Western Canada.
Complacency from the federal government and other authorities at this time could not be timed more poorly as the G7 Summit comes to Alberta. When the gathering ends on June 17, we should hope that it was a turning point where Canada made a direct and clear commitment to modernizing and expanding its oil and gas sector.
Our role in the world can be that of the great democratic alternative to Russia when it comes to supplying energy and other resources. Alberta knows it, as do our allies and Indigenous people across Canada.
Ottawa should listen. It is time to realize our potential to be an even greater energy superpower.
Through that, we can reduce the power of authoritarian, hostile regimes in the world by building a stronger, more unified Canada.
Alberta
Alberta’s grand bargain with Canada includes a new pipeline to Prince Rupert

From Resource Now
Alberta renews call for West Coast oil pipeline amid shifting federal, geopolitical dynamics.
Just six months ago, talk of resurrecting some version of the Northern Gateway pipeline would have been unthinkable. But with the election of Donald Trump in the U.S. and Mark Carney in Canada, it’s now thinkable.
In fact, Alberta Premier Danielle Smith seems to be making Northern Gateway 2.0 a top priority and a condition for Alberta staying within the Canadian confederation and supporting Mark Carney’s vision of making Canada an Energy superpower. Thanks to Donald Trump threatening Canadian sovereignty and its economy, there has been a noticeable zeitgeist shift in Canada. There is growing support for the idea of leveraging Canada’s natural resources and diversifying export markets to make it less vulnerable to an unpredictable southern neighbour.
“I think the world has changed dramatically since Donald Trump got elected in November,” Smith said at a keynote address Wednesday at the Global Energy Show Canada in Calgary. “I think that’s changed the national conversation.” Smith said she has been encouraged by the tack Carney has taken since being elected Prime Minister, and hopes to see real action from Ottawa in the coming months to address what Smith said is serious encumbrances to Alberta’s oil sector, including Bill C-69, an oil and gas emissions cap and a West Coast tanker oil ban. “I’m going to give him some time to work with us and I’m going to be optimistic,” Smith said. Removing the West Coast moratorium on oil tankers would be the first step needed to building a new oil pipeline line from Alberta to Prince Rupert. “We cannot build a pipeline to the west coast if there is a tanker ban,” Smith said. The next step would be getting First Nations on board. “Indigenous peoples have been shut out of the energy economy for generations, and we are now putting them at the heart of it,” Smith said.
Alberta currently produces about 4.3 million barrels of oil per day. Had the Northern Gateway, Keystone XL and Energy East pipelines been built, Alberta could now be producing and exporting an additional 2.5 million barrels of oil per day. The original Northern Gateway Pipeline — killed outright by the Justin Trudeau government — would have terminated in Kitimat. Smith is now talking about a pipeline that would terminate in Prince Rupert. This may obviate some of the concerns that Kitimat posed with oil tankers negotiating Douglas Channel, and their potential impacts on the marine environment.
One of the biggest hurdles to a pipeline to Prince Rupert may be B.C. Premier David Eby. The B.C. NDP government has a history of opposing oil pipelines with tooth and nail. Asked in a fireside chat by Peter Mansbridge how she would get around the B.C. problem, Smith confidently said: “I’ll convince David Eby.”
“I’m sensitive to the issues that were raised before,” she added. One of those concerns was emissions. But the Alberta government and oil industry has struck a grand bargain with Ottawa: pipelines for emissions abatement through carbon capture and storage.
The industry and government propose multi-billion investments in CCUS. The Pathways Alliance project alone represents an investment of $10 to $20 billion. Smith noted that there is no economic value in pumping CO2 underground. It only becomes economically viable if the tradeoff is greater production and export capacity for Alberta oil. “If you couple it with a million-barrel-per-day pipeline, well that allows you $20 billion worth of revenue year after year,” she said. “All of a sudden a $20 billion cost to have to decarbonize, it looks a lot more attractive when you have a new source of revenue.” When asked about the Prince Rupert pipeline proposal, Eby has responded that there is currently no proponent, and that it is therefore a bridge to cross when there is actually a proposal. “I think what I’ve heard Premier Eby say is that there is no project and no proponent,” Smith said. “Well, that’s my job. There will be soon. “We’re working very hard on being able to get industry players to realize this time may be different.” “We’re working on getting a proponent and route.”
At a number of sessions during the conference, Mansbridge has repeatedly asked speakers about the Alberta secession movement, and whether it might scare off investment capital. Alberta has been using the threat of secession as a threat if Ottawa does not address some of the province’s long-standing grievances. Smith said she hopes Carney takes it seriously. “I hope the prime minister doesn’t want to test it,” Smith said during a scrum with reporters. “I take it seriously. I have never seen separatist sentiment be as high as it is now. “I’ve also seen it dissipate when Ottawa addresses the concerns Alberta has.” She added that, if Carney wants a true nation-building project to fast-track, she can’t think of a better one than a new West Coast pipeline. “I can’t imagine that there will be another project on the national list that will generate as much revenue, as much GDP, as many high paying jobs as a bitumen pipeline to the coast.”
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