Economy
High taxes hurt Canada’s ability to attract talent

From the Fraser Institute
By Alex Whalen and Jake Fuss
With Major League Baseball’s regular season winding down and NHL training camps starting up, some big-name athletes including Maple Leafs captain John Tavares and former Toronto Blue Jays Josh Donaldson and Jose Bautista are involved in lawsuits with the Canada Revenue Agency. While the specifics of each case differ, the overall theme is the same—when signing their contracts in Toronto, these athletes adopted tax planning strategies to manage Canada’s burdensome tax structure.
One might ask: who cares about the tax plight of multi-millionaire pro athletes? But these high-profile cases underscore Canada’s comparative disadvantage in attracting top performers in all fields.
Similar to professional athletes, other high-skilled individuals including doctors, engineers, scientists and entrepreneurs are more likely than other workers to consider tax rates when choosing where to live and work. By maintaining high tax rates relative to similar jurisdictions, Canada has a harder time attracting and retaining these talented individuals.
And you’re almost guaranteed to face higher tax rates in Canada than in the United States. When it comes to top personal income tax rates, 10 of the top 15 highest-taxed jurisdictions in North America (among 61 provinces and U.S. states) are Canadian including the entire top eight.
In fact, a top performer in Ontario, British Columbia or Quebec faces a marginal tax rate at least 11 percentage points higher than the median U.S. state, and 16 percentage points higher than nine U.S. states (which have no state income tax). For a doctor, entrepreneur, professional athlete or other high-skilled worker, the tax differences between these jurisdictions can be substantial. Not surprisingly, the nine U.S. states with no state tax such as Texas, Florida and Tennessee have become favoured destinations for pro athletes and other top talent.
In addition to hurting Canada’s ability to attract high-skilled individuals, high personal income taxes reduce incentives for Canadians to work, save and invest. For example, higher taxes reduce the income workers take home from each hour worked, so many will choose to work fewer hours, resulting in reduced economic growth and prosperity. And higher taxes reduce savings and investment by consuming larger portions of a worker’s earnings.
High tax rates can also lead to less innovation and entrepreneurship, which limits economic growth and thereby affects all Canadians, not merely the wealthy. These innovators and job creators operate in a global marketplace for talent. Once achieving free agency, the typical hockey or baseball star generally will only have 30 to 32 destinations to choose from, all within North America. In contrast, Canada competes for other types of talent with countries from around the globe, making competitiveness even more important.
Professional athletes have a few things in common with other top performers. They are highly mobile, and all else equal, will move to jurisdictions that allow them to take home the highest possible after-tax earnings. While no Canadians are likely losing any sleep over John Tavares’ tax lawsuit, the broader concern over Canada’s competitiveness should be a top priority for policymakers.
Authors:
Business
Canadians can’t afford another Ottawa budget failure

This article supplied by Troy Media.
A $92 billion budget deficit looms. Canadians need more than promises this time
As Ottawa prepares its fall budget, Canadians should demand a clean break from the status quo. After a decade of unrestrained deficit spending, we are fiscally adrift: burdened by costly new programs and a bloated bureaucracy, and with little to show for it.
That’s why the Carney government must do more than tinker and finally deliver the kind of budget Canadians haven’t seen in years.
The previous Liberal government left office with a national debt nearing $1.4 trillion, having failed to balance the budget in its nine years in power. A growing share of tax dollars is now going just to service that debt.
While the government has pledged to reduce program spending by 15 per cent in the 2028-29 fiscal year through shrinking departments and cutting waste (after smaller reductions the previous two years), it is still on track to post a sizeable deficit of $92 billion for 2025-26, according to projections published by the C.D. Howe Institute. That should be a warning sign. Ottawa cannot rely on vague promises of restraint years down the road—it needs to act now.
Here is what the Carney government must do to get its finances in order:
1. It needs to roll back costly programs and reduce the size of government.
Under Justin Trudeau, the federal bureaucracy grew by nearly 100,000 people, a 38 per cent increase. Yet despite a considerable hike in personnel costs, Canadians would be hard pressed to point to noticeable improvements in service delivery.
Real reform would look like the Chrétien model from the 1990s. Faced with persistent deficits, the Chrétien government acted decisively, cutting over 42,000 public sector jobs. A comparable 17.4 per cent reduction today could eliminate 64,000 jobs and save almost $10 billion annually.
The review should also cover new programs that depend on deficit spending and often overlap with provincial responsibilities.
For example, the federal dental plan is projected to cost taxpayers $13 billion over five years, while the proposed pharmacare plan will cost $13.4 billion per year by 2027-28. Rolling back such initiatives could yield substantial savings.
2. The government must remove excessive regulation that is strangling Canadian business.
Between 2006 and 2021, federal regulations increased by 37 per cent, reaching 320,000 in total. Statistics Canada estimates that this reduced real GDP growth by 1.7 percentage points, employment growth by 1.3 percentage points, and labour productivity growth by 0.4 percentage points over the same time period. Those numbers may seem abstract, but the effect is concrete: less growth, fewer jobs, lower productivity.
Canadian businesses spend about 768 million hours a year on compliance—the equivalent of 394,000 full-time jobs. In 2024 alone, red tape cost businesses nearly $51.5 billion—a hidden tax on productivity.
Is anyone surprised that entrepreneurship in Canada is on the decline? In the year 2000, three out of every 1,000 Canadians had started a business. By 2022, that rate had fallen to just 1.3 per 1,000, representing a nearly 57 per cent drop.
Had Ottawa maintained 2006 regulation levels, Canada would have seen a 10 per cent higher rate of new businesses entering the market in 2021.
3. The Carney government must scrap harmful policies that undermine our energy sector.
Regulations aimed squarely at Canada’s oil and gas sector are setting the country up for a rude awakening.
Take Ottawa’s oil and gas emissions cap, set to take effect next year. It aims to reduce emissions from this sector to 35 per cent below 2019 levels, but reports from Deloitte and the Parliamentary Budget Officer (PBO) confirm that it is effectively a production cap.
Oil and gas accounts for 3.3 per cent of national GDP in 2024, but the emissions cap would change that. Deloitte estimates that by 2040, this regulation would lower Canada’s GDP by one per cent, representing a $34.5-billion loss in constant 2017 dollars.
The cap would also cost 112,900 Canadian jobs by 2040. The numbers all point in the same direction: the policy is an economic self-inflicted wound.
Similarly, the PBO projects that to meet Ottawa’s emissions goal, oil and gas production would need to be 4.9 per cent lower than current forecasts over 2030-32.
For a country with the world’s fourth-largest natural gas reserves and as the third-largest exporter, such policies are reckless. This fall, Canadians should not be presented with a budget that doubles down on the same policies that have already strangled business creation, driven away investment and suppressed living standards.
Canadians are long overdue for something we haven’t seen in years—a responsible budget.
Samantha Dagres is Communications Manager at the Montreal Economic Institute, an independent think tank with offices in Montreal, Ottawa, and Calgary.
Troy Media empowers Canadian community news outlets by providing independent, insightful analysis and commentary. Our mission is to support local media in helping Canadians stay informed and engaged by delivering reliable content that strengthens community connections and deepens understanding across the country
Business
Bigger Government, Bigger Bill: PBO reveals $71.1 billion in federal personnel spending in 2024–25

Parliamentary Budget Officer reveals federal employees cost more than double the average Canadian income
The Parliamentary Budget Officer (PBO) released a new report, Projecting Federal Personnel Expenses, that estimates federal personnel spending at $71.1 billion in 2024–25 and it’s not slowing down. The PBO projects federal personnel costs will hit $76.2 billion by 2029–30, adding $8.5 billion to the deficit in the process. The average bureaucrat, measured as a full-time equivalent (FTE), will cost taxpayers more than $172,000 a year by the end of the decade.
The report highlights a stunning trend: 87% of federal staff will soon be indeterminate permanent employees. Once hired, they’re almost impossible to fire. That’s the highest share since 2015.
The total workforce, measured in FTEs, is expected to climb to nearly 442,000 by 2030. To put it bluntly, that’s a city the size of Halifax on the federal payroll funded entirely by taxpayers who don’t enjoy the same gold-plated pensions and job security.
How We Got Here
The PBO says the growth comes from two things:
More employees, particularly permanent hires.
Let’s just look at the numbers, because they’re not vague. According to the Treasury Board Secretariat, the number of indeterminate federal employees that means permanent was 219,668 in 2015. Today, in 2025, it’s 306,872. That’s 87,204 new permanent jobs in ten years. A 40% increase.
And these aren’t seasonal hires or summer students. These are the policy analysts, the IT staff, the clerks, the communications officers. The people who make up the day-to-day machine of government. Once you’re in, you’re in. Indeterminate means almost impossible to fire.
Now put that in context. The total federal public service headcount all categories, not just permanent was 282,980 in 2010. By 2024, it was 367,772. That’s a 30% increase overall. But notice the difference: indeterminate jobs grew even faster than the public service as a whole. In other words, the growth has been concentrated in the most secure, most expensive category. The permanent class.
A 2023 demographic snapshot makes the trend undeniable: the public service grew 26.2% between 2010 and 2023. Yet permanent positions grew 40% between 2015 and 2025. That’s the story. The bureaucracy isn’t just getting bigger. It’s getting more entrenched. More locked in. Harder to shrink, harder to control, harder to hold accountable.
So the question is obvious: why does Ottawa need nearly 90,000 more permanent bureaucrats in a single decade? What exactly are they doing that couldn’t be done by the people already there? And if we’ve already added this army of permanent employees, why are we still paying $20.7 billion a year for consultants?
Higher Compensation Per Employee
The PBO is very clear: the biggest driver of rising personnel costs is compensation per employee, and that means two things, salaries and pensions.
Right now, the average current compensation per full-time equivalent (FTE) mainly salaries, wages, and standard compensation like overtime and severance is about $123,000. By 2029–30, the PBO projects that will rise to $139,000. That growth tracks almost exactly with inflation. In other words, automatic wage increases baked into union contracts keep driving the number upward every single year.
But that’s not the full story. Once you add in the cost of pensions and other benefits things like medical and dental coverage, disability insurance, and one-time payments the total cost per federal employee hits more than $172,000 by 2029–30.
That’s not optional spending. Those are long-term, locked-in obligations. Defined-benefit pensions guarantee that every new permanent hire means decades of taxpayer-funded payouts.
Put that $172,000 figure next to the median Canadian employment income: about $67,000. Federal employees now cost taxpayers two and a half times the income of the average Canadian worker.
And unlike private-sector jobs, these packages come with absolute security. Indeterminate (permanent) staff can’t easily be laid off. Their wage increases are negotiated centrally. Their pensions are guaranteed by law.
The cost per worker is rising not because Ottawa is suddenly offering lavish perks on top of perks, but because the base salaries and pension costs are compounding over time. With nearly 442,000 FTEs projected by 2030, even small increases per person mean billions more in total personnel expenses.
This is why the PBO notes that higher compensation per employee, layered on top of workforce growth, is the real engine behind the jump from $71.1 billion in 2024–25 to $76.2 billion in 2029–30.
The Consultant Addiction
So here’s the part that makes no sense. Ottawa has added nearly 90,000 new permanent bureaucrats in the past decade. And yet, despite this enormous permanent payroll, the government is still writing massive cheques to outside consultants.
In 2024 alone, the so-called Big Four consulting firms collected roughly $240 million in federal contracts: Deloitte walked away with $136.4 million, KPMG billed $75.9 million, while Ernst & Young and PwC split another $27 million between them. That’s a quarter-billion dollars in just one year, to four private firms.
And it doesn’t end there. In the IT category Ottawa calls it informatics outsourcing hit $2.662 billion in 2022–23. Billions for outside IT contractors, even though the PBO itself found those contractors cost 22% to 25.7% more than hiring a public servant for the same work.
Think about that. By 2030, Ottawa will employ 442,000 full-time equivalents. Almost half a million public servants. And yet somehow, we still need to blow billions hiring consultants to run our IT systems? Really? With that many bureaucrats on the payroll, you’d think they could manage a computer network.
How many “digital transformation strategies” does one government need? How many billions go out the door before someone asks the obvious question: what are all these public servants actually doing?
That’s the contradiction the PBO has exposed. A permanent, ever-expanding federal workforce that still leans on consultants at a premium. More bureaucrats, more consultants, higher costs all paid for by taxpayers who don’t get the same job security, don’t get the same pensions, and certainly don’t get billion-dollar IT contracts.
Final Thoughts
Everyone deserves a fair wage. Nobody’s arguing that. But what Ottawa has done is write itself a blank cheque, guaranteed raises, guaranteed pensions, guaranteed job security for nearly 442,000 federal workers. Add to that a quarter-billion dollars for outside consultants and another $2.6 billion on IT contractors, and what do we actually get for the money?
Look around. ArriveCAN blew through tens of millions on non-competitive contracts. The so-called green slush fund at Sustainable Technology Canada was riddled with conflicts of interest. The Auditor General keeps flagging “serious deficiencies” year after year, government after government. And what happens? Nothing. Nobody gets fired. No one takes responsibility. Certainly not a minister.
So when the same Ottawa class tells us Canada has a “productivity problem”, the only sane response is: no kidding. Productivity isn’t just about factories or offices. It’s about government too. And right now, we have the most expensive, least accountable public service in Canadian history.
Here’s the reckoning: the federal government is addicted to consultants, its managers refuse to make the workforce actually work, and ministers simply don’t care. As taxpayers, what are we left with? Not shorter wait times in hospitals. Not faster service at passport offices. Not a public service that’s better. We’re left with a system that grows more expensive every year while delivering less.
So the real question is simple: what are we getting for $71 billion? Because from where I sit, the answer is not much.
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