Alberta
Good Sense Beats Team Canada’s Hysteria
In the tariff crisis of 2025, Canada tested its mettle, and the result was revealing. At the center stood Premier Danielle Smith, who chose steady, substantive leadership over juvenile posturing and theatrical bravado. Ottawa’s Prime Minister Mark Carney and Alberta NDP leader Naheed Nenshi indulged in overly-inflated martial rhetoric and fear-driven posturing.
Carney’s tactics have failed to secure any meaningful results, and he now proposes to do what Premier Smith was doing from the start. My purpose is not to flatter Alberta’s premier, but to show the self-serving strategy and base tactics of those who attacked her.
In short, given the state manipulation of media and the self-inflicted amnesia of the age, I would like to document some of what the progressive politicians wanted to do, and what they said, to remind us of the shallow leadership in the country, and to say what the mainstream media isn’t going to say. Danielle Smith’s calm, clear-eyed approach was prudent leadership. The rest was a useless political spectacle geared exclusively to improve the electoral fortunes of the ruling Party in Ottawa. The strategy was devised to serve the interests of the federal Liberal Party, not the interests of Canadians.
When the Storm Hit: Carney’s Rhetoric Without Results
The shock arrived in January, though the first stab was delivered to Justin the previous Fall when he visited Trump in Mar-a-Lago on November 29th. Donald Trump, newly back in the White House, announced a raft of tariffs on Canadian steel and aluminum and threatened levies on agriculture and energy-related products. The move struck at the very architecture of the United States–Mexico–Canada Agreement (USMCA), the framework meant to stabilize continental trade. Canada sends three-quarters of its exports to the United States; the relationship is not optional or trivial; it is crucial. This dependency deepened during the Trudeau years, notably in his refusal to approve infrastructure for selling Canadian energy overseas and in declining pleas from Europeans to sell them natural gas. Ottawa likes to talk about diversification, but when three in four dollars of export income depend on one customer, the arithmetic speaks for itself.
Carney, still in the honeymoon phase of his premiership, treated the shock as an opportunity to prove his campaign rhetoric. During debates, he had cast himself as the lone Canadian able to face down Trump, a Trump-whisperer of sorts, boasting of his international experience as governor of the Bank of England and promising to “crush” the Americans in trade negotiations. When the cameras turned to him, he reached for the hyperbolic language of battle.
On March 27, 2025, Prime Minister Carney told reporters: “Nothing is off the table regarding possible countermeasures.” Carney declared on that same day that “the era of close economic integration and security cooperation with the United States is over,” following an announcement of sweeping U.S. auto tariffs. This was a radical policy shift in the history of the country, an announcement made without any debate in the public square or in Parliament. The longstanding Canada–U.S. partnership built on deep integration was no longer intact, and there would be “no turning back” from this shift. Many chose to celebrate this announcement without considering the consequences.
Four days later, on March 31, Carney expanded the message in a more impassioned speech: “We won’t back down. We will respond forcefully. Nothing is off the table to defend our workers and our country.” The environmentalist woke banker was now the defender of Canada’s working class, the same working class he declared seditious for questioning government policy during the truckers’ protest.
The language was now definitive, dramatic, and even intoxicating to some Canadians. Ottawa reporters applauded the elbows-up posture. But it was rhetoric without a plan.

Danielle Smith’s Steady Course: Strategy Over Spectacle
Smith’s view of the crisis was rooted not in theatre but in facts. Alberta exports over 3.3 million barrels of oil a day to the United States. That crude feeds refineries in the Midwest and the Gulf Coast, which in turn supply gasoline and diesel back into Canadian markets. Oil is not simply Alberta’s business; it is the circulatory system of the North American economy. To threaten to cut it off would be to shoot ourselves in the leg to prove a point.
Smith said as much at press conferences in mid-January. She warned that if Ottawa tried to embargo energy exports as retaliation, the fallout would be national: “Refineries in Ontario and Quebec, industries across the country, all depend on Alberta’s oil. Empty threats may make headlines, but they won’t keep Canadians working.”
She was clear that oil must not become a weapon. She was also pointing out the crucial strategic reality that, citing oil flows to the US, one would have to cut oil flows to Eastern Canadian markets from Alberta, an absurd way to hurt Canada’s largest market for the sake of hurting Americans. Who negotiates by putting a loaded weapon to their own head?
If Trump was enlisting chaos, Danielle Smith understood that bringing more chaos into the equation would only serve the interests of those weaponizing chaos: “Our energy exports are a source of stability, not leverage.”
Smith’s rationale ran deeper than provincial parochialism; it rested on the realistic understanding that energy flows sustain industries coast-to-coast. Instead of using oil as a cudgel, she pressed for engagement. Her trip to Mar-a-Lago, facilitated by Kevin O’Leary, was ridiculed by critics as social climbing. But Smith’s purpose was straightforward: to remind Trump and his circle that Alberta’s oil kept America’s economy moving, and that undermining that relationship would hurt both sides.
It was not glamorous politics. It did not satisfy the simplistic appetite for “elbows up” or the primal need to see Canada throw punches. But it was prudent. It sought to preserve what mattered most: stability, credibility, and the livelihoods tied to cross-border trade.
Nenshi’s Alarmism: From Existential Threats to Boycott Appeal
But not all Alberta politicians are endowed with the common sense and good judgment that Premier Smith showed in this trade conflict with the US. If Carney set the hyperbolic tone in Ottawa, Naheed Nenshi amplified it from Edmonton. His rhetoric soared to near-apocalyptic levels when he told reporters the US tariffs represented the possibility of demise: “These tariffs are an existential threat to Canada’s economy and way of life.”
Such language is typically reserved for nuclear war or famine, not tariff skirmishes. Nenshi displayed no understanding of how Canadian tariffs on the US would hurt Canadian workers the most. By invoking existential peril, Nenshi helped to transform a serious but manageable dispute into an exaggerated drama of survival. The effect was to raise anxiety, to send his constituents into spastic bouts, but not to offer solutions.
In his typical boisterous way, He went further in mocking Smith personally about the premier’s Mar-a-Lago outreach: “It was just a balls-and-parties tour.”
This was not a critique; it was juvenile taunting. It sought only to diminish Smith by ridicule. Beyond that, he urged Albertans to “buy Canadian-made goods” in defiance of “American economic aggression.” This had populist resonance—shop patriotically, hurt the Americans where it counts. But its undertone was darker. It cast American producers as enemies rather than partners, sliding toward the kind of cultural hostility that corrodes continental goodwill. That, and the fact that it is the wrong strategy: Canada can never become wealthier and better only consuming what it produces.
Together with Carney and others, Nenshi’s words painted a picture of politics as theatre: existential peril, carnival mockery, economic nationalism. It was louder than Smith’s steady counsel, but it was also shallower. What it offered in emotional release, it lacked in constructive substance.
Lukaszuk’s Overheated Rebuke: “Shameful” and “Without Shame”
Thomas Lukaszuk, Alberta’s deputy premier in the most corrupt government in Alberta’s history, joined the chorus with his own brand of vitriol. He lambasted Smith’s Mar-a-Lago trip as deceitful: “Ms. Smith is without shame… it was probably inevitable she would show up at the side of Mr. Trump.”
He accused her of disguising the visit as a private vacation, calling it “shameful” and suggesting it was “perhaps an intentional attempt to deceive.” He demanded transparency: if she met with Trump and O’Leary, why was it not cleared with federal or provincial officials?
Lukaszuk’s barbs were not a critique of trade policy; they were an indictment of Smith’s character, almost suggesting Smith was treasonous. By casting her outreach as dishonesty, he implied she was not merely mistaken but disloyal. The attack was moralistic, not analytic. And it was hyperbolic: to suggest that a premier speaking to a U.S. president about Alberta’s energy could be “without shame” is to invert priorities and to show a warped understanding of political activity from executive places. Where Smith sought stability, Lukaszuk indulged outrage. Where she made arguments, he delivered invective. Smith prevailed.
The Federal Failure: Loud Words, No Leverage
The accurate measure of Ottawa’s approach lies in the success of its outcomes. In January, Carney promised “maximum impact” and “nothing off the table.” By March, the Americans had not budged. By summer, Carney was already preparing to climb down.
On August 22, 2025, during a press conference announcing a rollback of Canada’s retaliatory tariffs, Carney said: “Canada and the U.S. have now re-established free trade for the vast majority of our goods.”
The announcement was spun as a win—“we have restored free trade for the vast majority of goods.” But in fact, it was a concession. Trump had not withdrawn his supposedly existence-threatening tariffs. But Canada had withdrawn its retaliation. Ottawa had failed to secure a deal. The country was left where Smith had said it should remain: keep the arteries of trade open, defend a few vital sectors, and avoid damaging our own consumers.
The gap between promise and performance was humiliating. Carney had campaigned as the expert negotiator who alone could handle Trump. He had threatened “crush force” against the Americans, to deliver maximum pain. In the end, he managed a quiet surrender, hoping Canadians would mistake retreat for strategy. Trump, for his part, gloated. Canada, he said, had “come to its senses.” He took credit for Carney’s electoral success. The bluster of winter had dissolved into a whimper by summer.
Prime Minister Carney now claims he obtained the best deal of any country for Canada, but that is not true. Canada has exactly what Mexico has, except that Canada’s oil has a lower US tariff rate imposed because Danielle Smith negotiated it.
Who Showed Judgment
Strip away the noise, and the contrast is stark. Danielle Smith, much maligned, displayed judgment. She prioritized stability, preserved Alberta’s interests, and in doing so also sought to protect the national interest. She spoke frankly about the costs of empty, performative retaliation to the national economy. From the start, she cautioned against “empty threats.” She argued that weaponizing oil would trigger a unity crisis. She maintained that the priority was to keep trade stable, not to win headlines with elbows-up theatrics. Ottawa mocked her, pundits accused her of sabotage, Nenshi ridiculed her as unserious, and Lukaszuk branded her “shameful.” Yet months later, Ottawa adopted precisely the framework she had outlined.
Carney offered bluster, then quietly retreated. Nenshi offered mockery and alarms. Lukaszuk offered moral outrage. All three contributed to a theatre of hysteria that eroded Canada’s credibility abroad and coarsened discourse at home in ways that are damaging to the political fabric of the Canadian community.
Smith showed an understanding of how present action shapes future positions. Standing against the tide, she offered thoughtful solutions. Not loud, not glamorous—but steady, serious, and correct. She was punished for exposing the nonsensical nature of their exaggerated position. And in that punishment lies her vindication.
A Debt of Apology
What Alberta and its premier received instead was abuse. Smith was called a traitor, accused of siding with Trump, and branded “shameful.” People took to social media to insult Albertans, suggesting that it was no surprise the premier was a traitor because Albertans are traitors. She was ridiculed for rationally trying diplomacy. The verdict of hindsight is plain: it is Ottawa and its allies who owe Albertans an apology. NDP leaders like Lukaszuk and Nenshi should also apologize to the premier.
An apology, not because Smith needs it personally, but because Canadians should demand politics grounded in sound judgment, not hysteria. They deserve leaders who resist fearmongering, not indulge it. They deserve leadership that unites people, not divides them. They deserve policies that promote friendship with neighbouring nations, not encourage atavistic hatreds. They deserve debate that clarifies, not insults.
Premier Danielle Smith was right. The others were loud. And when the record is written, it will not be the theatre that matters, but the steadiness that kept Alberta and Canada from greater harm.
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Alberta
Alberta government’s plan will improve access to MRIs and CT scans
From the Fraser Institute
By Nadeem Esmail and Tegan Hill
The Smith government may soon allow Albertans to privately purchase diagnostic screening and testing services, prompting familiar cries from defenders of the status quo. But in reality, this change, which the government plans to propose in the legislature in the coming months, would simply give Albertans an option already available to patients in every other developed country with universal health care.
It’s important for Albertans and indeed all Canadians to understand the unique nature of our health-care system. In every one of the 30 other developed countries with universal health care, patients are free to seek care on their own terms with their own resources when the universal system is unwilling or unable to satisfy their needs. Whether to access care with shorter wait times and a more rapid return to full health, to access more personalized services or meet a personal health need, or to access new advances in medical technology. But not in Canada.
That prohibition has not served Albertans well. Despite being one of the highest-spending provinces in one of the most expensive universal health-care systems in the developed world, Albertans endure some of the longest wait times for health care and some of the worst availability of advanced diagnostic and medical technologies including MRI machines and CT scanners.
Introducing new medical technologies is a costly endeavour, which requires money and the actual equipment, but also the proficiency, knowledge and expertise to use it properly. By allowing Albertans to privately purchase diagnostic screening and testing services, the Smith government would encourage private providers to make these technologies available and develop the requisite knowledge.
Obviously, these new providers would improve access to these services for all Alberta patients—first for those willing to pay for them, and then for patients in the public system. In other words, adding providers to the health-care system expands the supply of these services, which will reduce wait times for everyone, not just those using private clinics. And relief can’t come soon enough. In Alberta, in 2024 the median wait time for a CT scan was 12 weeks and 24 weeks for an MRI.
Greater access and shorter wait times will also benefit Albertans concerned about their future health or preventative care. When these Albertans can quickly access a private provider, their appointments may lead to the early discovery of medical problems. Early detection can improve health outcomes and reduce the amount of public health-care resources these Albertans may ultimately use in the future. And that means more resources available for all other patients, to the benefit of all Albertans including those unable to access the private option.
Opponents of this approach argue that it’s a move towards two-tier health care, which will drain resources from the public system, or that this is “American-style” health care. But these arguments ignore that private alternatives benefit all patients in universal health-care systems in the rest of the developed world. For example, Switzerland, Germany, the Netherlands and Australia all have higher-performing universal systems that provide more timely care because of—not despite—the private options available to patients.
In reality, the Smith government’s plan to allow Albertans to privately purchase diagnostic screening and testing services is a small step in the right direction to reduce wait times and improve health-care access in the province. In fact, the proposal doesn’t go far enough—the government should allow Albertans to purchase physician appointments and surgeries privately, too. Hopefully the Smith government continues to reform the province’s health-care system, despite ill-informed objections, with all patients in mind.
Alberta
Canada’s heavy oil finds new fans as global demand rises
From the Canadian Energy Centre
By Will Gibson
“The refining industry wants heavy oil. We are actually in a shortage of heavy oil globally right now, and you can see that in the prices”
Once priced at a steep discount to its lighter, sweeter counterparts, Canadian oil has earned growing admiration—and market share—among new customers in Asia.
Canada’s oil exports are primarily “heavy” oil from the Alberta oil sands, compared to oil from more conventional “light” plays like the Permian Basin in the U.S.
One way to think of it is that heavy oil is thick and does not flow easily, while light oil is thin and flows freely, like fudge compared to apple juice.
“The refining industry wants heavy oil. We are actually in a shortage of heavy oil globally right now, and you can see that in the prices,” said Susan Bell, senior vice-president of downstream research with Rystad Energy.
A narrowing price gap
Alberta’s heavy oil producers generally receive a lower price than light oil producers, partly a result of different crude quality but mainly because of the cost of transportation, according to S&P Global.
The “differential” between Western Canadian Select (WCS) and West Texas Intermediate (WTI) blew out to nearly US$50 per barrel in 2018 because of pipeline bottlenecks, forcing Alberta to step in and cut production.
So far this year, the differential has narrowed to as little as US$10 per barrel, averaging around US$12, according to GLJ Petroleum Consultants.
“The differential between WCS and WTI is the narrowest I’ve seen in three decades working in the industry,” Bell said.
Trans Mountain Expansion opens the door to Asia
Oil tanker docked at the Westridge Marine Terminal in Burnaby, B.C. Photo courtesy Trans Mountain Corporation
The price boost is thanks to the Trans Mountain expansion, which opened a new gateway to Asia in May 2024 by nearly tripling the pipeline’s capacity.
This helps fill the supply void left by other major regions that export heavy oil – Venezuela and Mexico – where production is declining or unsteady.
Canadian oil exports outside the United States reached a record 525,000 barrels per day in July 2025, the latest month of data available from the Canada Energy Regulator.
China leads Asian buyers since the expansion went into service, along with Japan, Brunei and Singapore, Bloomberg reports. 
Asian refineries see opportunity in heavy oil
“What we are seeing now is a lot of refineries in the Asian market have been exposed long enough to WCS and now are comfortable with taking on regular shipments,” Bell said.
Kevin Birn, chief analyst for Canadian oil markets at S&P Global, said rising demand for heavier crude in Asia comes from refineries expanding capacity to process it and capture more value from lower-cost feedstocks.
“They’ve invested in capital improvements on the front end to convert heavier oils into more valuable refined products,” said Birn, who also heads S&P’s Center of Emissions Excellence.
Refiners in the U.S. Gulf Coast and Midwest made similar investments over the past 40 years to capitalize on supply from Latin America and the oil sands, he said.
While oil sands output has grown, supplies from Latin America have declined.
Mexico’s state oil company, Pemex, reports it produced roughly 1.6 million barrels per day in the second quarter of 2025, a steep drop from 2.3 million in 2015 and 2.6 million in 2010.
Meanwhile, Venezuela’s oil production, which was nearly 2.9 million barrels per day in 2010, was just 965,000 barrels per day this September, according to OPEC.
The case for more Canadian pipelines
Worker at an oil sands SAGD processing facility in northern Alberta. Photo courtesy Strathcona Resources
“The growth in heavy demand, and decline of other sources of heavy supply has contributed to a tighter market for heavy oil and narrower spreads,” Birn said.
Even the International Energy Agency, known for its bearish projections of future oil demand, sees rising global use of extra-heavy oil through 2050.
The chief impediments to Canada building new pipelines to meet the demand are political rather than market-based, said both Bell and Birn.
“There is absolutely a business case for a second pipeline to tidewater,” Bell said.
“The challenge is other hurdles limiting the growth in the industry, including legislation such as the tanker ban or the oil and gas emissions cap.”
A strategic choice for Canada
Because Alberta’s oil sands will continue a steady, reliable and low-cost supply of heavy oil into the future, Birn said policymakers and Canadians have options.
“Canada needs to ask itself whether to continue to expand pipeline capacity south to the United States or to access global markets itself, which would bring more competition for its products.”
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