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Daughter of Canadian PM Mark Carney uses ‘they/them’ pronouns

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7 minute read

From LifeSiteNews

By Jonathon Van Maren

Canadian Prime Minister Mark Carney has a daughter who identifies as “non-binary” and uses “they/them” pronouns. 

The Daily Mail first reported these details on March 10: 

Carney’s other daughter Sasha, 24, who graduated cum laude from Yale University with a degree in English and Gender Studies, uses they/them pronouns, according to their social media profiles. They previously went by the name Sophia. Sasha Carney, who currently works as a freelance writer and reviewer in Brooklyn, New York, has previously posted about their mental health struggles online.   

Sasha’s Facebook profile, which was publicly accessible at time of publication, shows that she self-identified as “non-binary” in 2018:

Many of Carney’s publicly stated views are avowedly leftist; one of her profile pictures identifies her as a supporter of socialist Bernie Sanders. In 2019, she made a Facebook post stating that “Yale is an institution which has promoted and legitimized eugenics, global warfare, genocidal policies, the racialized carceral state, and the hyper-privileging of white voices in academia. In the face of this, it is crucial that we invest time, energy, thought, resources, and love into ethnicity, race, and migration studies, which looks at the world, and Yale itself, through a critical anti-racist and anticolonial lens.” 

Juno News, formerly known as True North, broke additional details earlier today, publishing excerpts of an essay written by Sasha Carney in an alternative magazine called Authenticity in April 2020 titled Mumsnet, and Transmasculine Childhood. As reporters Cosmin Dzurdzsa and Alex Zoltan noted, the essay reveals that “Mark Carney sent [his] daughter to [the] discredited U.K. Tavistock Transgender Clinic.” The published excerpt reads: 

In 2013, shortly after I chopped off all my hair into a deeply regrettable floppy Justin Bieber cut, I moved to London, the land of Enid Blyton murder mysteries. A block from my new house was the Tavistock & Portman NHS Foundation Trust, an imposing grey building which contained the country’s only child and adolescent ‘gender identity clinic.’

I watched as my friend, after a year of weekly appointments trying desperately to get an official diagnosis of gender dysphoria, was denied the diagnosis, and with it any hope of top surgery because they sometimes wore skirts. I watched organisations with names like ‘Transgender Trend’ refer to trans Tavistock patients as ‘experimental subjects’ who didn’t know what was best for them. I watched as my school’s former principal told a national news outlet that trans students like me and many of my close friends were cis women who were only coming out to ’cause turbulence’ and ‘adhere to anything a bit radical.’ I watched all this happen, and I quietly stopped wearing underwire bras, and wore baggier clothes, and I felt a fierce surge of jealousy every time I walked into the Tavistock for therapy and saw patients turn left, towards the medical spaces I didn’t feel ‘trans enough’ to enter. 

The essay has since been scrubbed from the internet. 

In 2022, it was announced that Tavistock was being shut down, with over 1,000 families expected to join a massive lawsuit over the damage done to their children due to the “treatment” they received at the gender clinic. Last year, the U.K. National Health Service announced that it would stop prescribing puberty blockers to minors entirely. Juno News also reported that Sasha has expressed her support, in writing, for “puberty blockers” for children. 

It is difficult to overstate the potential political impact of this story. Last year, Danielle Smith’s government in Alberta banned sex change surgeries and puberty blockers for minors; in a press conference in February 2024, Smith specifically cited the Tavistock clinic as a motivation behind her legislation.

The fact that the prime minister’s daughter went to Tavistock clinic is certainly an indication of his views on such legislation, and an indication that his commitment to the transgender agenda will likely be every bit as fervent as his predecessor’s.  

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Jonathon Van Maren

Jonathon’s writings have been translated into more than six languages and in addition to LifeSiteNews, has been published in the National PostNational ReviewFirst Things, The Federalist, The American Conservative, The Stream, the Jewish Independent, the Hamilton SpectatorReformed Perspective Magazine, and LifeNews, among others. He is a contributing editor to The European Conservative.

His insights have been featured on CTV, Global News, and the CBC, as well as over twenty radio stations. He regularly speaks on a variety of social issues at universities, high schools, churches, and other functions in Canada, the United States, and Europe.

He is the author of The Culture WarSeeing is Believing: Why Our Culture Must Face the Victims of AbortionPatriots: The Untold Story of Ireland’s Pro-Life MovementPrairie Lion: The Life and Times of Ted Byfield, and co-author of A Guide to Discussing Assisted Suicide with Blaise Alleyne.

Jonathon serves as the communications director for the Canadian Centre for Bio-Ethical Reform.

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Parliamentary Budget Officer begs Carney to cut back on spending

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By Franco Terrazzano 

PBO slices through Carney’s creative accounting

The Canadian Taxpayers Federation is calling on Prime Minister Mark Carney to cut spending following today’s bombshell Parliamentary Budget Officer report that criticizes the government’s definition of capital spending and promise to balance the operating budget.

“The reality is that Carney is continuing on a course of unaffordable borrowing and the PBO report shows government messaging about ‘balancing the operating budget’ is not credible,” said Franco Terrazzano, CTF Federal Director. “Carney is using creative accounting to hide the spiralling debt.”

Carney’s Budget 2025 splits the budget into operating and capital spending and promises to balance the operating budget by 2028-29.

However, today’s PBO budget report states that Carney’s definition of capital spending is “overly expansive.” Without using that “overly expansive” definition of capital spending, the government would run an $18 billion operating deficit in 2028-29, according to the PBO.

“Based on our definition, capital investments would total $217.3 billion over 2024-25 to 2029-30, which is approximately 30 per cent ($94 billion) lower compared to Budget 2025,” according to the PBO. “Moreover, based on our definition, the operating balance in Budget 2025 would remain in a deficit position over 2024-25 to 2029-30.”

The PBO states that the Carney government is using “a definition of capital investment that expands beyond the current treatment in the Public Accounts and international practice.” The report specifically points out that “by including corporate income tax expenditures, investment tax credits and operating (production) subsidies, the framework blends policy measures with capital formation.”

The federal government plans to borrow about $80 billion this year, according to Budget 2025. Carney has no plan stop borrowing money and balance the budget. Debt interest charges will cost taxpayers $55.6 billion this year, which is more than the federal government will send to the provinces in health transfers ($54.7 billion) or collect through the GST ($54.4 billion).

“Carney isn’t balancing anything when he borrows tens of billions of dollars every year,” Terrazzano said. “Instead of applying creative accounting to the budget numbers, Carney needs to cut spending and debt.”

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Education

Why classroom size isn’t the issue teacher unions think it is

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This article supplied by Troy Media.

Troy MediaBy Michael Zwaagstra

The real challenge is managing classrooms with wide-ranging student needs, from special education to language barriers

Teachers’ unions have long pushed for smaller class sizes, but the real challenge in schools isn’t how many students are in the room—it’s how complex those classrooms have become. A class with a high proportion of special needs students, a wide range of academic levels or several students learning English as a second language can be far more difficult to teach than a larger class
where students are functioning at a similar level.

Earlier this year, for example, the Elementary Teachers’ Federation of Ontario announced that smaller class sizes would be its top bargaining priority in this fall’s negotiations.

It’s not hard to see why unions want smaller classes. Teaching fewer students is generally easier than teaching more students, which reduces the workload of teachers. In addition, smaller classes require hiring more teachers, and this amounts to a significant financial gain for teachers’ unions. Each teacher pays union dues as part of membership.

However, there are good reasons to question the emphasis on class size. To begin with, reducing class size is prohibitively expensive. Teacher salaries make up the largest percentage of education spending, and hiring more teachers will significantly increase the amount of money spent on salaries.

Now, this money could be well spent if it led to a dramatic increase in student learning. But it likely wouldn’t. That’s because while research shows that smaller class sizes have a moderately beneficial impact on the academic performance of early years students, there is little evidence of a similar benefit for older students. Plus, to get a significant academic benefit, class sizes need to be reduced to 17 students or fewer, and this is simply not financially feasible.

In addition, not only does reducing class sizes mean spending more money on teacher compensation (including salaries, pensions and benefits), but it also leads to a decline in average teacher experience and qualifications, particularly during teacher shortages.

As a case in point, when the state of California implemented a K-3 class-size reduction program in 1996, inexperienced or uncertified teachers were hired to fill many of the new teaching positions. In the end, California spent a large amount of money for little measurable improvement in academic performance. Ontario, or any other province, would risk repeating California’s costly experience.

Besides, anyone with a reasonable amount of teaching experience knows that classroom complexity is a much more important issue than class size. Smaller classes with a high percentage of special needs students are considerably more difficult to teach than larger classes where students all function at a similar academic level.

The good news is that some teachers’ unions have shifted their focus from class size to classroom complexity. For example, during the recent labour dispute between the Saskatchewan Teachers’ Federation (STF) and the Saskatchewan government, the STF demanded that a classroom complexity article be included in the provincial collective agreement. After the dispute went to binding arbitration, the arbitrator agreed with the STF’s request.

Consequently, Saskatchewan’s new collective agreement states, among other things, that schools with 150 or more students will receive an additional full-time teacher who can be used to provide extra support to students with complex needs. This means that an extra 500 teachers will be hired across Saskatchewan.

While this is obviously a significant expenditure, it is considerably more affordable than arbitrarily reducing class sizes across the province. By making classroom complexity its primary focus, the STF has taken an important first step because the issue of classroom complexity isn’t going away.

Obviously, Saskatchewan’s new collective agreement is far from a panacea, because there is no guarantee that principals will make the most efficient use of these additional teachers.

Nevertheless, there are potential benefits that could come from this new collective agreement. By getting classroom complexity into the collective agreement, the STF has ensured that this issue will be on the table for the next round of bargaining. This could lead to policy changes that go beyond hiring a few additional teachers.

Specifically, it might be time to re-examine the wholesale adoption of placing most students, including those with special needs, in regular classrooms, since this policy is largely driving the increase in diverse student needs. While every child has the right to an education, there’s no need for this education to look the same for everyone. Although most students benefit from being part of regular academic classes, some students would learn better in a different setting that takes their individual needs into consideration.

Teachers across Canada should be grateful that the STF has taken a step in the right direction by moving beyond the simplistic demand for smaller class sizes by focusing instead on the more important issue of diverse student needs.

Michael Zwaagstra is a senior fellow with the Frontier Centre for Public Policy.

Troy Media empowers Canadian community news outlets by providing independent, insightful analysis and commentary. Our mission is to support local media in helping Canadians stay informed and engaged by delivering reliable content that  strengthens community connections and deepens understanding across the country

 

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