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Business

Carney’s Digital Tax Debacle: How Ottawa Triggered a Trade Fallout with Washington

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12 minute read

The Opposition with Dan Knight

Trump walked away from trade talks over Canada’s retroactive digital services tax—enacted by Mark Carney’s Liberal government despite clear warnings from experts, businesses, and industry leaders.

Donald Trump has officially walked away from the negotiating table. The trigger? Canada’s ill-conceived Digital Services Tax (DST)—a reckless, retroactive grab for revenue targeting U.S. tech firms. Trump isn’t mincing words: he’s calling it a “blatant, discriminatory attack” on American innovation, and now he’s moving to punish Canada economically for it.

So what exactly is this tax?

The Digital Services Tax, passed by the Liberal government and implemented under Mark Carney’s leadership, applies a 3% levy on revenue—not profits—earned by large digital firms operating in Canada. And it’s retroactive. That means it’s being applied to earnings from as far back as January 1, 2022, with companies forced to make lump-sum payments by June 30, 2025.

This tax specifically targets companies with global revenue of at least €750 million and Canadian digital revenue of at least CAD 20 million. Translation: It’s a direct hit on American giants like Google, Amazon, Meta, Airbnb, and Uber, and it spares Canadian firms and EU-based entities from equivalent exposure. It’s not tax fairness—it’s protectionism with a smiley-face sticker.

Trump has responded in kind. As of June 27, all trade negotiations with Canada are suspended. Retaliatory tariffs—already mounting since February—are set to escalate. Trump is drawing a red line, and he’s daring Canada to cross it.

What’s at stake?

Everything. Canada sends over 75% of its exports to the United States. We’re talking about nearly a trillion dollars in annual trade. With Trump now actively leveraging tariffs and ending negotiations, entire sectors—from automotive to agriculture, energy to manufacturing—are in the crosshairs.

Already this year, Trump has slapped 25% tariffs on Canadian imports, with specific hits to steel, aluminum, vehicles, and auto parts, and 10% tariffs on Canadian oil, gas, and potash. These moves have already disrupted markets. Ending trade negotiations is a body blow to an already wobbly Canadian economy—still reeling from Trudeau-era mismanagement and Carney’s corporate globalist agenda.

So who could have seen this coming?

Almost everyone.

In testimony before the House of Commons Standing Committee on International Trade on June 11, 2024, Dr. Meredith Lilly, Associate Professor and Simon Reisman Chair in International Economic Policy at Carleton University, issued a precise and deeply informed warning about Canada’s Digital Services Tax (DST).

Dr. Lilly, a leading authority on North American trade, emphasized that unilateral implementation of a DST would “discriminate against large U.S. firms” and could trigger U.S. retaliation under the Canada-United States-Mexico Agreement (CUSMA). Her words were clear:

“Unilateral action by Canada to introduce a digital services tax would discriminate against large U.S. firms. We should be prepared for U.S. retaliation if these measures are enacted, and Canadian lawmakers should be aware of the damaging consequences for the broader CUSMA review process.”

She explained that such policy moves could provoke formal dispute resolution under CUSMA Chapter 31 and complicate the 2026 review of the trade agreement. Dr. Lilly stated unequivocally:

“Both of these things [the Online Streaming Act and the DST] will complicate the process and result in a full review if they aren’t addressed before then.”

This wasn’t a political shot—it was an expert diagnosis. Dr. Lilly’s analysis made it crystal clear: if Canada chose to proceed with a retroactive, discriminatory tax on U.S. digital firms, the blowback from Washington wouldn’t wait until 2026. It would come sooner. And it did—on June 27, 2025, President Trump pulled the plug on all trade talks with Canada, citing the DST as a direct affront to American companies and fair trade principles.

In a June 2024 committee hearing, MP Kyle Seeback pressed experts on the fallout of Trudeau-era policies like the Digital Services Tax, asking bluntly:

“If these all go through and are implemented, as it looks like the current government wants to do, will it make the CUSMA review easier or more complicated?”

Dr. Meredith Lilly didn’t mince words:

“If the online streaming act and the digital services tax move forward, I fully expect action to happen before the 2026 review. I think the Americans will respond.”

So Kyle Seeback saw it. Meredith Lilly warned about it. But this wasn’t just a red flag waved by a few policy experts or MPs in a backroom committee. No—Canada’s entire business community was screaming from the rooftops about the catastrophic implications of the Digital Services Tax.

Let’s be clear: this wasn’t some quiet objection buried in legalese. It was a full-blown economic revolt.

The Canadian Chamber of Commerce called it out as early as September 2023, warning that the tax would raise prices on digital services, hammer consumers, and almost certainly provoke retaliatory tariffs from the United States—a country that, I might remind you, accounted for $960.9 billion in bilateral trade in 2022 alone.

The Retail Council of Canada joined the fight in June 2025, warning that retailers and everyday Canadians would be caught in the crossfire of U.S. retaliation. The Business Council of Canada didn’t mince words either, saying the tax carried “serious economic consequences” and “a high risk of sparking a trade dispute”—exactly what happened when Donald Trump walked away from trade negotiations.

And it didn’t stop there.

The Canadian Bankers Association, Canadian Life and Health Insurance Association, Canadian Venture Capital Association, and Future Borders Coalition all signed a joint letter in June 2025 pleading with Mark Carney’s government to hit pause. They warned of massive financial disruptions, threats to investment stability, and damage to border operations.

This wasn’t lobbying. It was a desperate attempt to prevent economic self-harm.

Even the groups who typically tread lightly around Ottawa saw the writing on the wall. They were begging for sanity. And what did the Liberal government do? They shoved the tax through anyway—retroactive to 2022—and waited for the backlash.

Well, it came. Trump walked. Tariffs hit. Negotiations died. And Canada’s business leaders, from Bay Street to the border crossings, are now left to deal with the fallout they predicted—and Trudeau’s team ignored.

You were told the Liberals were the “adults in the room.” That they could navigate Trump. That they understood diplomacy, trade, and economics. But let’s be honest—an eight-year-old could have seen this coming. You slap a retroactive tax on American companies, and you expect no consequences? That’s not strategy. That’s stupidity.

This entire debacle is proof that the Liberal Party is utterly incapable of negotiating with strength. They don’t understand leverage, they don’t understand power, and they clearly don’t understand how to protect Canada’s economic interests. Mark Carney, Trudeau’s handpicked heir, isn’t some master tactician—he’s a globalist relic from 2008, still clinging to failed ideas and the fantasy of technocratic rule.

Unfortunately for him—and for us—this isn’t 2008 anymore. The world has changed. Trump is back, the rules are different, and while other countries pivot, adapt, and push back, Canada’s Liberal government is stuck in the past. Rigid, arrogant, and dangerously out of touch.

What we’re witnessing isn’t just a policy failure. It’s the collapse of a worldview—the end of the Liberal fantasy that globalist tax schemes, virtue signaling, and bureaucratic arrogance can substitute for real leadership. And it’s playing out in real time: with lost jobs, broken trade relationships, and Canada’s economic credibility circling the drain.

But here’s the good news: Canadians are waking up.

The Liberal government, now clinging to a minority held together by duct tape and desperation, won’t be around for long. The legacy media can’t protect them forever. The echo chamber of downtown Toronto can’t drown out the truth spilling out from small towns, border communities, and every corner of the real Canada.

This is a patriotic call to action. The sooner an election is called, the better. Because Canada cannot afford more of this. We cannot afford a government that punishes productivity, antagonizes our closest ally, and drives our economy into a wall—all while patting itself on the back for “moral leadership.”

It’s time to turn the page. Time to elect leaders who understand strength, who prioritize prosperity, and who don’t bend the knee to unelected bureaucrats in Brussels or Davos. Canada needs a government that fights for our interests—not the interests of Silicon Valley tax envy or UN think tanks.

The collapse has begun. Now it’s up to Canadians to finish the job—and rebuild this country with pride, purpose, and power.

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Automotive

Power Struggle: Electric vehicles and reality

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From Resource Works

Tension grows between ambition and market truths

Host Stewart Muir talks on Power Struggle with Brian Maas, president of the California New Car Dealers Association, and Maas introduces us to a U.S. problem that Canada and B.C. also face right now. “The problem is there are mandates that apply in California and 11 other states that require, for the 2026 model year, 35% of all vehicles manufactured for sale in our state must be zero-emission, even though the market share right now is 20%.  “So we’ve got a mandate that virtually none of the manufacturers our dealers represent are going to be able to meet.”

Maas adds: “We’re trying to communicate with policymakers that nobody’s opposed to the eventual goal of electrification. California’s obviously led that effort, but a mandate that nobody can comply with and one that California voters are opposed to deserves to be recalibrated.” Meanwhile, in Canada, the same objections apply to the federal government’s requirement, set in 2023, that 100% of new light-duty vehicles sold must be zero-emission vehicles, ZEVs (electric or plug-in hybrid) by 2035, with interim targets of 20 per cent by 2026 and 60 per cent by 2030. There are hefty penalties for dealers missing the targets.

Market researchers note that it now takes 55 days to sell an electric vehicle in Canada, up from 22 days in the first quarter of 2023. The researchers cite a lack of desirable models and high consumer prices despite government subsidies to buyers in six provinces that run as high as $7,000 in Quebec.

In the U.S. The Wall Street Journal reports that, on average, electric vehicles and plug-in hybrids sit in dealer lots longer than gasoline-powered cars and hybrids, despite government pressure to switch to electric. (The Biden administration ruled that two-thirds of new vehicles sold must be electric by 2032.) For Canada, the small-c conservative Fraser Institute reports: “The targets were wild to begin with. As Manhattan Institute senior fellow Mark P. Mills observed, bans on conventional vehicles and mandated switches to electric means, consumers will need to adopt EVs at a scale and velocity 10 times greater and faster than the introduction of any new model of car in history.”

When Ottawa scrapped federal consumer subsidies earlier this year, EV manufacturers and dealers in Canada called on the feds to scrap the sales mandates. “The federal government’s mandated ZEV sales targets are increasingly unrealistic and must end,” said Brian Kingston, CEO of the Canadian Vehicle Manufacturers’ Association. “Mandating Canadians to buy ZEVs without providing them the supports needed to switch to electric is a made-in-Canada policy failure.” And Tim Reuss, CEO of the Canadian Automobile Dealers Association, said: “The Liberal federal government has backed away from supporting the transition to electric vehicles and now we are left with a completely unrealistic plan at the federal level.  “There is hypocrisy in imposing ambitious ZEV mandates and penalties on consumers when the government is showing a clear lack of motivation and support for their own policy goals.”

In B.C., sales growth of ZEVs has recently slowed, and the provincial government is considering easing its ZEV targets. “The Energy Ministry acknowledged that it will be ‘challenging’ to reach the target that 90 per cent of new vehicles be zero emission by 2030.”  Nat Gosman, an assistant deputy minister in the B.C. energy ministry, cited reasons for the slowdown that include affordability concerns due to a pause in government rebates, supply chain disruptions caused by U.S. tariffs, and concerns about reliability of public charging sites.

Barry Penner, chair of the Energy Futures Institute and a former B.C. Liberal environment minister, said the problem is that the government has “put the cart before the horse” when it comes to incentivizing people to buy electric vehicles. “The government imposed these electric vehicle mandates before the public charging infrastructure is in place and before we’ve figured out how we’re going to make it easy for people to charge their vehicles in multi-family dwellings like apartment buildings.”

Penner went on to write an article for Resource Works that said: “Instead of accelerating into economically harmful mandates, both provincial and federal governments should recalibrate. We need to slow down, invest in required charging infrastructure, and support market-based innovation, not forced adoption through penalties. “A sustainable energy future for BC and Canada requires smart, pragmatic policy, not economic coercion. Let’s take our foot off the gas and realign our policies with reality, protect jobs, consumer affordability, and real environmental progress. Then we can have a successful transition to electric vehicles.”

Back to Power Struggle, and Brian Maas tells Stewart: “I think everybody understands that it’s great technology and I think a lot of Californians would like to have one.  . . . The number one reason consumers cited for not making the transition to a zero-emission vehicle is the lack of public charging infrastructure. We’re woefully behind what would be required to move to 100% environment. “And if you live in a multifamily dwelling, an apartment building or something like that, you can’t charge at home, so you would have to rely on a public charger. Where do you go to get that charged?

“The state’s Energy Commission has said we need a million public chargers by 2030 and two million public chargers by 2035. We only have 178,000 now and we’re adding less than 50,000 public chargers a year. We’re just not going to get there fast enough to meet the mandate that’s on the books now.”

In Canada, Resource Works finds there now are more than 33,700 public charging ports, at 12,955 locations. But Ottawa says that to support its EV mandate, Canada will need about 679,000 public ports. “This will require the installation of, on average, 40,000 public ports each year between 2025 and 2040.”

And we remind readers of Penner’s serious call on governments to lighten the push on the accelerator when it comes to ZEV mandates: “Let’s take our foot off the gas and realign our policies with reality, protect jobs, consumer affordability, and real environmental progress. Then we can have a successful transition to electric vehicles.”

  • Power Struggle YouTube video: https://ow.ly/8J4T50WhK5i
  • Audio and full transcript: https://ow.ly/Np8550WhK5j
  • Stewart Muir on LinkedIn: https://ow.ly/Smiq50UWpSB
  • Brian Maas on LinkedIn: https://ow.ly/GuTh50WhK8h
  • Power Struggle on LinkedIn: https://ow.ly/KX4r50UWpUa
  • Power Struggle on Instagram: https://ow.ly/3VIM50UWpUg
  • Power Struggle on Facebook: https://ow.ly/4znx50UWpUs
  • Power Struggle on X: https://ow.ly/tU3R50UWpVu
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Business

Europe backs off greenwashing rules — Canada should take note

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From Resource Works

A major shift is underway in Europe — and it’s a warning Canada would do well to heed.

Last week, the European Commission confirmed it plans to scrap its so-called “Green Claims Directive.” The proposal was designed to crack down on corporate greenwashing — companies making vague or misleading claims about how environmentally friendly their products are.

At first glance, that might sound like a worthy goal. Who wants false advertising? But the plan quickly ran into trouble, especially from smaller businesses who warned it would add layers of red tape, compliance costs, and legal risk.

In fact, the Commission itself admitted that as many as 30 million micro-enterprises could end up having to comply with the rules. Even with exemptions written in, the direction of negotiations pointed to increased burdens, not clarity. The result? A lot of businesses — even the well-intentioned ones — would stop talking about their environmental practices altogether, just to stay out of legal trouble.

Czech economist and tax expert Danuše Nerudová, a member of the European Parliament and a lead negotiator on the file, put it plainly: “I welcome the fact that the Commission has listened … and hope this opens the door to a more balanced and effective approach.” The proposal, she said, was “overly complex.”

If that sounds familiar, it should.

Canada’s own Bill C-59, which came into force this month, is already having a similar effect. The bill, which changes the Competition Act to target “greenwashing,” makes it legally risky for companies to say anything about their climate efforts unless they have airtight, independently verified proof — the kind often only available to large companies with big legal budgets.

At Resource Works, we’ve heard from organizations who’ve made the decision to stop communicating about environmental performance entirely. Not because they’ve done something wrong — but because the rules are vague, expensive to follow, and expose them to complaints even when acting in good faith.

That’s a loss. For consumers, for environmental progress, and for transparency.

Canada should be encouraging companies to communicate openly and credibly about their sustainability performance — not shutting down those conversations with threats of litigation. The European Commission has now acknowledged that its own approach, despite good intentions, risks backfiring. It’s time for Ottawa to take a similar step back.

With Prime Minister Mark Carney under pressure to unleash Canadian potential in the resource sector, revisiting Bill C-59 would be a sign of both good faith and practicality. Canada needs more innovation, more investment, and more real progress — not more reasons to say nothing.

It’s time to recycle Bill C-59 into something that actually supports good environmental practice instead of stifling it.

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