espionage
Carney’s Chief of Staff, Marco Mendicino, Warned of Beijing’s Vancouver Election Interference in ’22—Did Nothing

Sam Cooper
The Bureau’s review of national security records suggests that despite this high-level awareness, no public action—and likely no significant action at all—was taken to mitigate PRC interference before or after the Vancouver election. This mirrors what critics describe as a broader pattern of inaction in the Trudeau government’s response to threats against the 2019 and 2021 federal elections.
Newly appointed Prime Minister Mark Carney’s chief of staff, former Public Safety Minister Marco Mendicino, received an explosive “restricted distribution report” several days after Vancouver’s 2022 mayoral election, following his department’s apparent inaction on repeated warnings from CSIS months earlier about Beijing’s alleged efforts to unseat incumbent Kennedy Stewart and elect a new Chinese-Canadian candidate, federal documents obtained by The Bureau indicate.
Public Safety Canada records—including an October 21, 2022, Canadian Eyes Only brief distributed to Mendicino and then-Prime Minister Justin Trudeau’s national security advisor Jody Thomas—confirm that in May 2022, CSIS provided Stewart with a “defensive briefing” on electoral interference by the People’s Republic of China. These documents shed new light on Stewart’s subsequent claims that CSIS informed him they had escalated concerns to Ottawa, only to be met with indifference.
One of the redacted intelligence documents, a March 2023 CSIS Issues Management Brief—prepared for Trudeau’s Privy Council Office—addresses Stewart’s explosive statement in a CBC interview that month, in which he alleged that CSIS officers told him: “We’ve been sending reports up the chain and nobody’s paying any attention.”
Mendicino and his predecessor, former Public Safety Minister Bill Blair, have taken up key positions in Prime Minister Carney’s nascent administration, which has pitched itself as an emergency cabinet formed to respond to escalating tensions with Washington. President Donald Trump has imposed sweeping tariffs on Canada, Mexico, and China, citing their alleged failures to stem fentanyl trafficking that he says is devastating American communities.
Yet, as Carney’s government navigates an increasingly volatile geopolitical landscape—marked by rising tensions and the growing risk of armed conflict between Washington and Beijing—new intelligence records analyzed exclusively by The Bureau reveal troubling national security vulnerabilities that persist from Trudeau’s regime into Carney’s.
The documents suggest that the same passive approach to Beijing’s interference—critics say characterized Bill Blair’s tenure as public safety minister, particularly in the months-long delay in 2021 of a national security warrant targeting a Liberal powerbroker and potentially implicating members of Trudeau’s caucus—persisted under Mendicino.
Public Safety Canada, Marco Mendicino, and Prime Minister Carney’s office did not respond to detailed questions for this story.
Among the newly reviewed records obtained by The Bureau, the October 21, 2022, post-Vancouver election report stands out for its high classification, restricted circulation, and sensitive content, highlighting the severity of threats in British Columbia—a key hub for Beijing’s United Front election interference and diaspora repression operations.
Labeled “Caution: Restricted Distribution Report,” the document explicitly states, “This report contains sensitive information. Distribution must be confined exclusively to,” Mendicino, his deputy minister and chief of staff, and Trudeau’s national security advisor.
While much of the record remains heavily censored, key excerpts reveal its significance.
The document explicitly references PRC electoral interference, detailing Beijing’s “long history of mobilizing support for preferred candidates at all levels of government.” It further warns that the PRC “is known to target and/or leverage family as part of its FI (foreign interference) and other threat activity.”
“The Minister of Public Safety is scheduled to meet with [redacted] team on Monday, October 24, 2022,” it says. “CSIS is providing pertinent information regarding [redacted] for the Minister’s attention in advance of the meeting.”
A related intelligence report, dated March 30, 2023, and obtained through access-to-information requests, details how Ottawa internally handled Stewart’s post-election allegations that warnings from CSIS’s Vancouver China desk were ignored. The briefing states:
“Former Vancouver Mayor, Kennedy STEWART, told CBC News that when he was interviewed by CSIS in May 2022, CSIS told him: “‘We’ve been sending reports up the chain and nobody’s paying any attention,’ thus being the ‘reason to approach’ him.”
While a series of redacted paragraphs prevents full confirmation of this allegation, the visible portions of the report confirm that Stewart was briefed by CSIS. More importantly, the document underscores the extensive scope of such briefings across Canada, revealing the breadth of China’s foreign interference activities—and, in hindsight, the Liberal government’s failure to act until media exposure forced scrutiny of this and other alleged election interference cases in the 2019 and 2021 federal elections.
“The officers informed STEWART that, because CSIS assesses the threat posed by foreign interference is growing, CSIS is increasingly carrying out this kind of outreach across the country,” the document states. “Similar briefings are being offered to elected officials and candidates at all levels of government—federal, provincial, and municipal—across the political spectrum.”
The document appears to partially support claims that CSIS officers in Vancouver were frustrated by Ottawa’s inaction on their intelligence warnings—a concern echoed by Toronto-based China desk officers regarding Bill Blair’s handling of a national security warrant in 2021. This aligns with evidence presented to Ottawa’s Hogue Commission, which examined allegations that Trudeau’s government failed to act on CSIS’s urgent warnings about China.
Stewart’s case only surfaced after reporting by The Globe and Mail on leaked intelligence documents, which The Bureau has also reviewed.
The Globe’s reporting revealed that CSIS documents showed China’s then-consul-general in Vancouver, Tong Xiaoling, sought to mobilize the Chinese diaspora to support a specific Chinese-Canadian candidate in the 2022 municipal election. According to CSIS intelligence, Tong also aimed to assess and potentially “groom” individuals who would be favorable to Beijing’s interests.
Following The Globe’s report, Vancouver Mayor Ken Sim reacted angrily, asserting that claims his campaign had benefited from Chinese consulate interference would not have been made “if I was a Caucasian.” BC Premier David Eby backed Sim, calling on CSIS to provide clarity on the allegations.
A January 2022 document, cited in The Globe’s reporting and also obtained in full by The Bureau, says that China’s Consul General in Vancouver “stated that they needed” to rally Chinese diaspora voters in Vancouver’s 2022 mayoral election “to come out and elect a specific Chinese-Canadian candidate,” because “the candidate will rely on those votes.”
What The Globe didn’t report, however, is the CSIS record’s allegation that Tong had previously interfered.
“This report demonstrates CG Tong’s continued interest in involving herself in Canadian electoral processes to benefit the PRC,” states the document obtained by The Bureau.
This could be significant, as a related October 2022 CSIS Intelligence Assessment—obtained exclusively by The Bureau—appears to reference the Vancouver election without naming the city or specific individuals. The report states:
“CSIS intelligence from November 2021 and late April/early May 2022 found a People’s Republic of China consulate was clandestinely supporting a particular mayoral candidate in an upcoming municipal election.”
The assessment goes further, detailing how “the Consulate has mobilized the leadership of three co-opted Chinese-Canadian community groups to provide material and financial support for this candidate.”
In what may be the most damning passage, the document states:
“It is noteworthy that the PRC Consulate supported this same mayoral candidate in the 2018 municipal election and used the same community groups to clandestinely channel this support.”
Stewart, who narrowly defeated Ken Sim in Vancouver’s 2018 mayoral election before losing his re-election bid to Sim by a decisive margin, has suggested that PRC-backed actors with influence in Vancouver’s real estate sector seemingly targeted his campaign by undermining his fundraising efforts.
In interviews with The Bureau, Stewart said that in late May 2022, CSIS warned him that China was likely to interfere in Vancouver’s upcoming municipal election and that Beijing-controlled or influenced Chinese-language media outlets in British Columbia were instrumental.
The Bureau’s analysis of intelligence documents obtained through an access-to-information request on the Vancouver election supports Stewart’s account. A March 21, 2022, CSIS Intelligence Assessment detailed the PRC’s “sophisticated, pervasive, and persistent” electoral interference efforts, warning that Beijing’s activities “undermine Canadian sovereignty” and that PRC-controlled media could “exacerbate the spread of misinformation.”
“A large number of Chinese speakers of foreign citizenship—and of some politicians seeking their votes in liberal democracies—regularly use social media platforms that are subject to PRC censorship (i.e., WeChat),” the CSIS assessment states, adding that “WeChat’s design as a platform can exacerbate the spread of misinformation.”
“The Political Chain”
Back in March 2023, in an interview with CBC regarding the Globe and Mail’s report on the Vancouver election, Stewart was asked whether the alleged comments from CSIS briefers in May 2022 suggested inaction at a level higher than CSIS leadership in Ottawa.
“They went over the basics but also asked a lot of questions about what we were noticing,” Stewart said. “When I asked them why they were briefing me, they said, ‘We’ve been sending reports up the chain and nobody’s paying any attention.’ So they thought somebody should know.”
The CBC interviewer pressed him on the implications:
“Sending reports up the chain, but nobody paying attention. That’s exactly what they said to you? Did they give you a sense of where the chain was—whether this was the CSIS chain or the political chain? Do you have any idea what they meant by that?”
Stewart’s response underscored the tight-lipped nature of the briefing.
“I don’t. It was highly unusual. I mean, I was a mayor of a city—why was CSIS briefing me? That’s for them to answer.”
CSIS did not respond by deadline for this story on Tuesday afternoon.
Meanwhile, other documents reviewed for this story show that a May 17, 2022, CSIS Issues Management Brief, labeled “Secret,” flagged concerns about PRC interference and was distributed to Public Safety Canada. It stated that CSIS would engage officials and candidates likely to be targets of clandestine foreign interference. While redacted, the timing and description align with Stewart’s recollection of his CSIS briefing.
Four months before Vancouver’s election, a classified eight-page document dated June 15, 2022, was circulated among a select group of Ottawa’s top national security and intelligence officials, including Public Safety Minister Marco Mendicino. Though entirely redacted, the document reveals— in hindsight—that the officials receiving this briefing held direct oversight of national security and foreign interference mitigation and were responsible for informing Prime Minister Trudeau of serious concerns. Mendicino, now Chief of Staff to Prime Minister Mark Carney, was the principal recipient due to his oversight of CSIS and the RCMP. “Please share with Minister Mendicino,” the document states, instructing his office to provide feedback via a secure form.
Another recipient, Dan Costello, Senior Foreign and Defence Policy Advisor to the Prime Minister, had direct responsibility for national security coordination at the highest political level. Likewise, Jody Thomas, as Trudeau’s National Security and Intelligence Advisor, was responsible for coordinating intelligence and briefing the Prime Minister. Rob Stewart, then Deputy Minister of Public Safety, played a key role in intelligence briefings on foreign interference. Also included in the circulation was Janice Charette, then Clerk of the Privy Council and Canada’s highest-ranking civil servant, now reportedly leading Mark Carney’s transition team. Nathalie Drouin, Deputy Clerk of the Privy Council, was another key figure involved in intelligence and security policy. David Morrison, then Deputy Minister of Foreign Affairs, oversaw diplomatic intelligence related to China’s activities in Canada.
The Bureau’s review of national security records suggests that despite this high-level awareness, no public action—and likely no significant action at all—was taken to mitigate PRC interference before or after the Vancouver election. This mirrors what critics describe as a broader pattern of inaction in the Trudeau government’s response to threats against the 2019 and 2021 federal elections.
Meanwhile, a related 2023 CSIS Intelligence Assessment, obtained by The Bureau through access to information, confirms that the PRC poses the greatest national security threat to Canada, engaging in espionage, foreign interference, economic infiltration, and cyber operations. The assessment details China’s strategic efforts to exploit trade and investment ties, shape Canadian economic policy, and target government and corporate sectors for intelligence collection. It also underscores that China’s cyber operations are part of an aggressive geopolitical strategy, undeterred by repeated public exposure of its activities.
Beyond China, other states identified as engaging in foreign interference and cyber threats include Russia, India, and Iran—though none match the PRC in the scale and impact of their activities against Canada.
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espionage
Inside Xi’s Fifth Column: How Beijing Uses Gangsters to Wage Political Warfare in Taiwan — and the West

A new Jamestown Foundation report details how China’s Ministry of State Security and allied triads have been used to subvert Taiwan’s democracy as part of Beijing’s united front.
Editor’s Note
The Bureau has previously reported on how Chinese state-linked crime networks have exploited Canada’s real estate market, casinos, and diaspora associations, often under the cover of united front work. One of these groups, the Chinese Freemasons, has been linked to meetings with Canadian politicians, as reported by The Globe and Mail ahead of the 2025 federal election. The Globe noted that the Toronto chapter explicitly advocates for the “peaceful reunification of Taiwan.” The Jamestown Foundation’s new findings on groups active in Taiwan — including the Chinese Freemasons, also known as the Hongmen, the related Bamboo Union triad, and the China Unification Promotion Party (CUPP) — show that Taiwan is the epicenter of a strategy also visible, though less intensively, across democracies including the United States. The parallels — from Vancouver to Sydney to New York to Taipei — should alert governments that the “fifth column” problem is international, and it is growing.
TAIPEI — At a banquet in Shenzhen more than two decades ago, Chang An-lo — the Bamboo Union boss known as “Big Brother Chang” or “White Wolf” — raised a glass to one of the Communist Party’s princelings. His guest, Hu Shiying, was the son of Mao Zedong’s propaganda chief. “Big Brother Chang,” Hu reportedly toasted him, an episode highlighted in a new report from the Jamestown Foundation.
Hu would later be described by Australian journalist John Garnaut as an “old associate of Xi Jinping.” That link — through Hu and other princelings Chang claimed to have met — placed the Bamboo Union leader within the orbit of Party elites. Garnaut also reported that the Ministry of State Security (MSS) had used the Bamboo Union to channel lucrative opportunities to Taiwanese politicians. According to Jamestown researcher Martin Purbrick, a former Royal Hong Kong Police intelligence officer, such episodes show how the CCP has systematically co-opted Taiwanese organized crime as part of its united front strategy.
“The long history of links between the CCP and organized crime groups in Taiwan,” Purbrick writes, “shows that United Front strategy has embedded itself deeply into Taiwan’s political life.”
Chang’s global influence is not a relic of the past. The Bureau reported, drawing on leaked 1990s Canadian immigration records, that intelligence indicated Chang’s triad had effectively “purchased” the state of Belize, on Mexico’s southern border, for use in smuggling illegal immigrants into the United States. But Chang is more relevant than ever as fears of Beijing invading Taiwan grow. In August 2025, seated in his Taipei office before a PRC flag, he appeared on a YouTube program to deny he led any “fifth column.” Instead, he insisted Taiwan must “embrace” Beijing and cast himself as a “bridge for cross-strait peace.”
His denial came just months after Taiwan’s Ministry of Justice accused CUPP of acting as a political front for organized crime and foreign interference. Police suspected more than 130 members of crimes ranging from homicide to drug trafficking. Prosecutors charged CUPP operatives with taking $2.3 million from the CCP to fund propaganda. In January, the Ministry of the Interior moved to dissolve the party outright, submitting the case to Taiwan’s Constitutional Court. By March, a Kaohsiung court sentenced CUPP deputy secretary-general Wen Lung and two retired military officers for recruiting Taiwanese personnel on behalf of the PRC. According to court filings, Wen had been introduced by Chang to the Zhuhai Taiwan Affairs Office, which in turn connected him to a PLA liaison officer.
President Lai Ching-te, in a March national security address, warned that Beijing was attempting to “divide, destroy, and subvert us from within.” Intelligence assessments in Taipei describe the Bamboo Union and CUPP as part of a potential “fifth column,” prepared to foment unrest and manipulate opinion in the event of an invasion.
The historical record shows why Taipei is so concerned. Chang’s name has shadowed some of Taiwan’s darkest chapters. In the 1980s, he was suspected of involvement in the assassination of dissident writer Henry Liu in California. He was later convicted of heroin smuggling in the United States, serving ten years in prison. After returning to Taiwan, he fled again in 1996 when authorities sought his arrest, spending 17 years in Shenzhen. During those years, he cultivated ties with influential Party families. At the Shenzhen banquet, Washington Post journalist John Pomfret wrote, Hu Shiying introduced him as “Big Brother Chang,” signaling acceptance in elite circles. Garnaut, writing over a decade later, noted that Hu was an “old associate of Xi Jinping” and that Chang had moved comfortably among other princelings, including sons of a former CCP general secretary and a top revolutionary general.
These connections translated into political capital. When Chang returned to Taiwan in 2013, he launched the China Unification Promotion Party — a pro-Beijing group openly advocating “one country, two systems.” He declared his mission was to “cultivate red voters.” CUPP cadres and Bamboo Union affiliates became visible in street politics, clashing with independence activists and disrupting rallies. During U.S. Speaker Nancy Pelosi’s 2021 visit, they staged counter-protests echoing Beijing’s line.
The ideological warfare runs even deeper. A Phoenix TV segment from 2011 recalled how a Bamboo Union elder declared in 1981 that he “would rather the CCP rule Taiwan than have Taiwan taken away by Taiwan independents.” Chang himself has echoed this sentiment for decades. In 2005, he launched a Guangzhou-based group called the Defending China Alliance, later rebranded in Taipei as CUPP. His activism has spanned disruptive protests, nationalist rallies, and propaganda campaigns amplified through China-linked media channels.
Purbrick situates these developments within a wider united front playbook. Taiwanese triads and Chinese Freemason associations are courted as grassroots mobilizers, intermediaries, and psychological enforcers. A recent report from the Washington Post has also linked the Chinese Freemasons to the powerful 14K Triad, a global network deeply implicated in Chinese underground banking networks accused of laundering fentanyl proceeds for Mexican cartels through the United States. The triad–Hongmen nexus complements other CCP efforts: online influence campaigns, cultural outreach, and intelligence recruitment inside Taiwan’s military.
The implications extend beyond Taiwan. In Canada, Australia, the United States, Southeast Asia, and beyond, intelligence agencies have documented how PRC-linked triads launder drug profits, fund political donations, and intimidate diaspora critics. These groups benefit from tacit state protection: their criminality overlooked so long as they advance Beijing’s strategic objectives. It is hybrid warfare by stealth — not soldiers storming beaches, but criminal syndicates reshaping politics from within.
For Taiwan, the Bamboo Union and CUPP remain immediate threats. For other democracies, they serve as case studies of how united front tactics adapt across borders. President Lai’s warning that Beijing seeks to “create the illusion that China is governing Taiwan” resonates internationally.
Before leaving journalism to establish an advisory firm, John Garnaut himself became entangled in the political fallout of his reporting. He was sued by a Chinese-Australian real estate developer from Shenzhen, who had funneled large donations to Australian political parties. The developer, later publicly implicated in the case by an Australian lawmaker under parliamentary privilege, successfully sued Garnaut for defamation in 2019. Subsequent disclosures confirmed the tycoon’s implication in an FBI indictment involving United Nations influence schemes and notorious Chinese operative Patrick Ho, later linked to a Chinese oil conglomerate accused of targeting the Biden family in influence operations. Together, these episodes highlight the global reach of united front networks.
espionage
Ghislaine Maxwell Proffer: A Daughter Acknowledges Her Father’s Espionage Shadows but Denies Epstein’s Sex-Blackmail Op Rumors

In July 2025, inside a sealed Justice Department conference room in Tallahassee, Ghislaine Maxwell spoke at length about her life with Jeffrey Epstein. Across two days of questioning, she confronted the themes that now shadow the American administration and some of the world’s most powerful men: was her father, Robert Maxwell, the root of a sprawling intelligence operation—one that extended through his daughter’s relationship with the mysteriously wealthy Epstein and reached leaders from Prince Andrew to Bill Clinton and even Donald Trump?
The session was not a cooperation deal or plea bargain but a proffer under limited immunity. Prosecutors could impeach Maxwell if she later contradicted herself.
Maxwell sat with her lawyers. Across the table were Deputy Attorney General Todd Blanche, FBI Special Agent Spencer Horn, and Deputy U.S. Marshal Mark Beard. Their questions probed Epstein’s fortune, his circle of elites, the persistent intelligence rumors, and his death.
On Friday afternoon, the Justice Department released hundreds of pages of partially redacted transcripts and audio recordings from the interviews. The White House presented this as a gesture of transparency amid backlash from Trump’s base and criticism from Democrats. The redactions, though extensive in places, still allowed readers to follow the central exchanges.
The closest Maxwell came to portraying Epstein as involved in anything “covert” or “nefarious” was in a curious recollection: “He showed me a photograph of himself with African warlords… He said he was in the business of finding stolen money for billionaires. He would take a percentage of what he recovered.”
Did Maxwell—who has already been convicted of perjury—lie again to shield powerful friends?
One exchange, centering on perhaps the most notorious and publicly recognized piece of evidence in the Epstein saga, suggests she may have.
Blanche: “The photograph of Prince Andrew with Virginia Giuffre has been described as one of the most consequential pieces of evidence. How do you respond?”
Maxwell: “It’s manufactured. Literally a fake photo. My London flat was too small to host such an encounter, and the date on the back doesn’t match flight logs. My friendship with Andrew made him trust Epstein more, but I had nothing to do with that picture.”
On Robert Maxwell and Intelligence
Blanche: “With respect to your father, there have been multiple questions about whether he worked for any intelligence agency. Do you have any knowledge about that?”
Maxwell: “I think—well certainly my father had a background in intelligence… I believe he did in the second World War. He was… a British intelligence officer. I think that… once you’ve been an intelligence officer, you’re kind of—always; it doesn’t mean that you’re formally employed.”
She added she had “no formal knowledge” of specific activities, but believed he “did help people.”
On whether Robert Maxwell ever introduced her to Epstein, she was emphatic: “They never met… I know they never met.” She said her father vetted Epstein through Bear Stearns leaders “Jimmy Cayne and… Ace Greenberg.”
Maxwell’s words were cautious, but telling. She essentially confirmed what intelligence veterans often describe: once active in that world, many never fully leave. By her account, her father lived as a businessman and politician but remained an informal node in intelligence—“trading business or ideas” with powerful people and institutions.
This amounts to an acknowledgment: Robert Maxwell lived and died inside the world of intelligence. His role as publisher, financier, and political broker likely made him a valuable cutout, and that was likely a profitable arrangement for his family. Plausible reporting over decades has strongly supported ties to MI6 and Mossad. The most persistent allegations involve the sale of bugged PROMIS software to U.S. government agencies on behalf of Israel’s Mossad, and financial dealings with Soviet bloc actors. None of these claims have been proven in court. But the limited comments of Ghislaine Maxwell suggest she knew her father’s business well.
On Epstein, Mossad, CIA, and the FBI
Blanche: “Have you ever had any contact… from Mossad…?”
Maxwell: “Well, not deliberately… Not deliberately.”
Blanche: “Did you ever think that Mr. Epstein was getting any money from any intelligence agency, including Mossad?”
Maxwell: “Well, I don’t believe so, but I wouldn’t know. I mean, I would be very surprised if he did. I don’t think so. No.”
Horn: “CIA? DIA?”
Maxwell: “I don’t think so. I just don’t think he had the wherewithal, and I think that whole aspect is bullshit.”
Her denials stand in contrast with reasonably credible, though not court-validated, media reporting. In 2019, journalist Vicky Ward reported in The Daily Beast that a former White House official said they had heard Alexander Acosta—then U.S. Attorney for the Southern District of Florida, who handled Epstein’s 2007 plea deal at the end of the George W. Bush presidency—tell Trump transition interviewers in 2017: “I was told Epstein ‘belonged to intelligence’ and to ‘leave it alone,’” adding that Epstein was “above his pay grade.”
Epstein’s Suspicious Wealth
Blanche: “How did Epstein make his money?”
Maxwell: “He started as a math teacher at Dalton. From there he was hired by Bear Stearns… At Bear Stearns, he developed some new type of trading system—a trading vehicle. Then, after a disagreement, he left. That’s when he said he was in the business of finding stolen money for billionaires. He would take a percentage of what he recovered. But I was not part of his business world, except tangentially.”
She identified “very important clients”: Les Wexner—for whom Epstein “structured or restructured The Limited,” handled “his entire personal finances,” and “all of the investment strategy” (she speculated the 71st-Street townhouse, the vast Upper East Side mansion that became Epstein’s New York base, factored into compensation); Leon Black—“the same as what he did for Wexner”; another connected female in their circle provided the—“same help in business,” and even “contracts for the maids”; and there was an unnamed wealthy Ohio woman with “the largest Klein painting.”
Rumors have long swirled that Epstein’s fortune was less about finance and more about leverage — that his friendships with billionaires, politicians, and world leaders provided opportunities for kompromat, even blackmail. Investigators, journalists, and critics have speculated that his homes may have doubled as “honey traps,” recording powerful men in compromising situations to secure influence.
On blackmail: “Never. No… I thought he was a legitimate businessman, very conscientious, very good at math.”
On Clinton, Trump, Barak, and Movie Stars
Blanche: “You’ve been named on flight logs with President Clinton. How would you describe his relationship with Mr. Epstein?”
Maxwell: “President Clinton was my friend. Not Epstein’s… Clinton traveled on Epstein’s plane twenty-six times, or whatever the flight logs say. I was there. He never received a massage. I never saw anything improper.”
Blanche: “Did you ever see Mr. Clinton participate in massages or any improper behavior with young women?”
Maxwell: “No. Never. I was there. He never received a massage. I never saw anything improper.”
On specifics, she described joint travel:
- Cuba, where she said Clinton met Fidel Castro.
- Italy, a Vatican visit with Clinton aide Mark Middleton and Middleton’s wife to see Henry VIII’s divorce documents.
- Africa, where Clinton flew with Chris Tucker and Kevin Spacey aboard Epstein’s jet.
She also volunteered: “I was very central in the ramp-up [of] the Clinton Global Initiative” and suggested Epstein “may have helped me help them” financially—without details.
Blanche: “What about Donald Trump? Your name and his are often linked through Epstein.”
Maxwell: “My father knew Trump. I admired him… Trump was never inappropriate with anybody. Never.”
Blanche: “Did you ever see Mr. Trump at Epstein’s homes or on his planes?”
Maxwell: “No. I never saw anything like that. I never saw him in any improper context with Epstein.”
Horn: “We’ve seen reports of Epstein’s relationship with Ehud Barak. Given your father’s deep ties to Israel, what was your impression of that connection?”
Maxwell: “I can think of Ehud Barak, yes. But I don’t know the details of their relationship. My father loved Israel, so I pay attention to it. We have ties to Israel. But I can’t tell you more.”
On the “Black Book”
Blanche: “Was there a client list? A black book of names?”
Maxwell: “There is no list. We’ll start with that… Nothing like that.”
On Epstein’s Prison Death
Maxwell said she does not believe Epstein killed himself, but also rejected the idea that he was silenced to protect powerful figures.
“I do not believe he died by suicide, no,” Maxwell said.
When asked if she had any theory about who might have killed him, she replied, “I don’t.” Pressed further on whether she thought Epstein was murdered to “keep him quiet” because he had information about “rich and powerful people,” she answered, “I do not have any reason to believe that.”
“And I also think it’s ludicrous,” she added, noting that if such people had wanted him dead, “they would’ve had plenty of opportunity when he wasn’t in jail.”
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