Business
Canadians can’t afford another Ottawa budget failure

This article supplied by Troy Media.
A $92 billion budget deficit looms. Canadians need more than promises this time
As Ottawa prepares its fall budget, Canadians should demand a clean break from the status quo. After a decade of unrestrained deficit spending, we are fiscally adrift: burdened by costly new programs and a bloated bureaucracy, and with little to show for it.
That’s why the Carney government must do more than tinker and finally deliver the kind of budget Canadians haven’t seen in years.
The previous Liberal government left office with a national debt nearing $1.4 trillion, having failed to balance the budget in its nine years in power. A growing share of tax dollars is now going just to service that debt.
While the government has pledged to reduce program spending by 15 per cent in the 2028-29 fiscal year through shrinking departments and cutting waste (after smaller reductions the previous two years), it is still on track to post a sizeable deficit of $92 billion for 2025-26, according to projections published by the C.D. Howe Institute. That should be a warning sign. Ottawa cannot rely on vague promises of restraint years down the road—it needs to act now.
Here is what the Carney government must do to get its finances in order:
1. It needs to roll back costly programs and reduce the size of government.
Under Justin Trudeau, the federal bureaucracy grew by nearly 100,000 people, a 38 per cent increase. Yet despite a considerable hike in personnel costs, Canadians would be hard pressed to point to noticeable improvements in service delivery.
Real reform would look like the Chrétien model from the 1990s. Faced with persistent deficits, the Chrétien government acted decisively, cutting over 42,000 public sector jobs. A comparable 17.4 per cent reduction today could eliminate 64,000 jobs and save almost $10 billion annually.
The review should also cover new programs that depend on deficit spending and often overlap with provincial responsibilities.
For example, the federal dental plan is projected to cost taxpayers $13 billion over five years, while the proposed pharmacare plan will cost $13.4 billion per year by 2027-28. Rolling back such initiatives could yield substantial savings.
2. The government must remove excessive regulation that is strangling Canadian business.
Between 2006 and 2021, federal regulations increased by 37 per cent, reaching 320,000 in total. Statistics Canada estimates that this reduced real GDP growth by 1.7 percentage points, employment growth by 1.3 percentage points, and labour productivity growth by 0.4 percentage points over the same time period. Those numbers may seem abstract, but the effect is concrete: less growth, fewer jobs, lower productivity.
Canadian businesses spend about 768 million hours a year on compliance—the equivalent of 394,000 full-time jobs. In 2024 alone, red tape cost businesses nearly $51.5 billion—a hidden tax on productivity.
Is anyone surprised that entrepreneurship in Canada is on the decline? In the year 2000, three out of every 1,000 Canadians had started a business. By 2022, that rate had fallen to just 1.3 per 1,000, representing a nearly 57 per cent drop.
Had Ottawa maintained 2006 regulation levels, Canada would have seen a 10 per cent higher rate of new businesses entering the market in 2021.
3. The Carney government must scrap harmful policies that undermine our energy sector.
Regulations aimed squarely at Canada’s oil and gas sector are setting the country up for a rude awakening.
Take Ottawa’s oil and gas emissions cap, set to take effect next year. It aims to reduce emissions from this sector to 35 per cent below 2019 levels, but reports from Deloitte and the Parliamentary Budget Officer (PBO) confirm that it is effectively a production cap.
Oil and gas accounts for 3.3 per cent of national GDP in 2024, but the emissions cap would change that. Deloitte estimates that by 2040, this regulation would lower Canada’s GDP by one per cent, representing a $34.5-billion loss in constant 2017 dollars.
The cap would also cost 112,900 Canadian jobs by 2040. The numbers all point in the same direction: the policy is an economic self-inflicted wound.
Similarly, the PBO projects that to meet Ottawa’s emissions goal, oil and gas production would need to be 4.9 per cent lower than current forecasts over 2030-32.
For a country with the world’s fourth-largest natural gas reserves and as the third-largest exporter, such policies are reckless. This fall, Canadians should not be presented with a budget that doubles down on the same policies that have already strangled business creation, driven away investment and suppressed living standards.
Canadians are long overdue for something we haven’t seen in years—a responsible budget.
Samantha Dagres is Communications Manager at the Montreal Economic Institute, an independent think tank with offices in Montreal, Ottawa, and Calgary.
Troy Media empowers Canadian community news outlets by providing independent, insightful analysis and commentary. Our mission is to support local media in helping Canadians stay informed and engaged by delivering reliable content that strengthens community connections and deepens understanding across the country
Alberta
Alberta’s fiscal update—and $6.5 billion deficit—underscores need for spending reductions

From the Fraser Institute
By Tegan Hill
According to the Q1 fiscal update, the Alberta provincial government will run a $6.5 billion budget deficit this fiscal year—up from the $5.2 billion budget deficit projected in the February budget. This may come as a surprise to many on the heels of a $8.3 billion surplus in 2024/25, but it’s all part of Alberta’s ongoing resource revenue rollercoaster. And it’s time to get off the track.
Resource revenues, including oil and gas revenues, are inherently volatile. For perspective, over roughly the last decade, resource revenue has been as low as $2.8 billion in 2015/16, accounting for just 6.5 per cent of total revenue, and as high as $25.2 billion in 2022/23, accounting for 33.2 per cent of total revenue.
Alberta has a long history of enjoying budget surpluses when resource revenue is high, but inevitably falls back into deficits when resource revenue declines. And it’s no surprise we’re back here today.
According to the recent fiscal update, resource revenue will fall by $6.3 billion this year compared to last. That means that of the $14.8 billion swing in Alberta’s budget balance, nearly 43 per cent can be explained by a decline in resource revenue alone. And if resource revenue was the same level as last year, Alberta’s budget would nearly be balanced.
Deficits have real consequences. Consider Alberta’s last period of deficits, which went on nearly uninterrupted from 2008/09 to 2020/21. Alberta moved from a position of having more assets, such as the Heritage Fund, than it did debt, resulting in a net debt position of $59.5 billion in 2020/21. Overall, Alberta’s net financial position deteriorated by $94.6 billion over the period. Correspondingly, Albertans went from having interest payments on provincial debt of approximately $58 per person in 2008/09 to $564 in 2020/21 (that number is expected to surpass $705 per person by 2027/28).
Fortunately, Alberta isn’t doomed to the boom and bust cycle.
The key is understanding that Alberta’s fiscal challenges are not actually a revenue problem—they’re a spending problem. Indeed, the underlying issue is that governments typically increase spending during good times of relatively high resource revenue to levels that are unsustainable (without incurring deficits) when resource revenue inevitably declines. Put simply, ongoing spending levels significantly exceed stable ongoing revenue.
The provincial government has made important strides in recent years by limiting spending growth to inflation and population growth. Unfortunately, spending levels were already so misaligned with stable, predictable revenue, that it is simply not sufficient to avoid deficits. Alberta needs meaningful spending reductions.
Fortunately, there’s some low hanging fruit to help get the province on track. For instance, Alberta spends billion of dollars annually dolling out subsidies to select businesses and industries. For perspective, in 2024/25, grants were the largest expense for the ministry of environment and the second largest expense for the ministry of technology and innovation. The provincial government should require that each ministry closely examine their budgets and eliminate business subsidies to yield savings.
According to the recent fiscal update, Alberta will continue to ride the resource revenue rollercoaster in 2025/26. It’s time to finally change course. That means meaningful spending reductions—and eliminating business subsidies is a good place to start.
Business
Bigger Government, Bigger Bill: PBO reveals $71.1 billion in federal personnel spending in 2024–25

Parliamentary Budget Officer reveals federal employees cost more than double the average Canadian income
The Parliamentary Budget Officer (PBO) released a new report, Projecting Federal Personnel Expenses, that estimates federal personnel spending at $71.1 billion in 2024–25 and it’s not slowing down. The PBO projects federal personnel costs will hit $76.2 billion by 2029–30, adding $8.5 billion to the deficit in the process. The average bureaucrat, measured as a full-time equivalent (FTE), will cost taxpayers more than $172,000 a year by the end of the decade.
The report highlights a stunning trend: 87% of federal staff will soon be indeterminate permanent employees. Once hired, they’re almost impossible to fire. That’s the highest share since 2015.
The total workforce, measured in FTEs, is expected to climb to nearly 442,000 by 2030. To put it bluntly, that’s a city the size of Halifax on the federal payroll funded entirely by taxpayers who don’t enjoy the same gold-plated pensions and job security.
How We Got Here
The PBO says the growth comes from two things:
More employees, particularly permanent hires.
Let’s just look at the numbers, because they’re not vague. According to the Treasury Board Secretariat, the number of indeterminate federal employees that means permanent was 219,668 in 2015. Today, in 2025, it’s 306,872. That’s 87,204 new permanent jobs in ten years. A 40% increase.
And these aren’t seasonal hires or summer students. These are the policy analysts, the IT staff, the clerks, the communications officers. The people who make up the day-to-day machine of government. Once you’re in, you’re in. Indeterminate means almost impossible to fire.
Now put that in context. The total federal public service headcount all categories, not just permanent was 282,980 in 2010. By 2024, it was 367,772. That’s a 30% increase overall. But notice the difference: indeterminate jobs grew even faster than the public service as a whole. In other words, the growth has been concentrated in the most secure, most expensive category. The permanent class.
A 2023 demographic snapshot makes the trend undeniable: the public service grew 26.2% between 2010 and 2023. Yet permanent positions grew 40% between 2015 and 2025. That’s the story. The bureaucracy isn’t just getting bigger. It’s getting more entrenched. More locked in. Harder to shrink, harder to control, harder to hold accountable.
So the question is obvious: why does Ottawa need nearly 90,000 more permanent bureaucrats in a single decade? What exactly are they doing that couldn’t be done by the people already there? And if we’ve already added this army of permanent employees, why are we still paying $20.7 billion a year for consultants?
Higher Compensation Per Employee
The PBO is very clear: the biggest driver of rising personnel costs is compensation per employee, and that means two things, salaries and pensions.
Right now, the average current compensation per full-time equivalent (FTE) mainly salaries, wages, and standard compensation like overtime and severance is about $123,000. By 2029–30, the PBO projects that will rise to $139,000. That growth tracks almost exactly with inflation. In other words, automatic wage increases baked into union contracts keep driving the number upward every single year.
But that’s not the full story. Once you add in the cost of pensions and other benefits things like medical and dental coverage, disability insurance, and one-time payments the total cost per federal employee hits more than $172,000 by 2029–30.
That’s not optional spending. Those are long-term, locked-in obligations. Defined-benefit pensions guarantee that every new permanent hire means decades of taxpayer-funded payouts.
Put that $172,000 figure next to the median Canadian employment income: about $67,000. Federal employees now cost taxpayers two and a half times the income of the average Canadian worker.
And unlike private-sector jobs, these packages come with absolute security. Indeterminate (permanent) staff can’t easily be laid off. Their wage increases are negotiated centrally. Their pensions are guaranteed by law.
The cost per worker is rising not because Ottawa is suddenly offering lavish perks on top of perks, but because the base salaries and pension costs are compounding over time. With nearly 442,000 FTEs projected by 2030, even small increases per person mean billions more in total personnel expenses.
This is why the PBO notes that higher compensation per employee, layered on top of workforce growth, is the real engine behind the jump from $71.1 billion in 2024–25 to $76.2 billion in 2029–30.
The Consultant Addiction
So here’s the part that makes no sense. Ottawa has added nearly 90,000 new permanent bureaucrats in the past decade. And yet, despite this enormous permanent payroll, the government is still writing massive cheques to outside consultants.
In 2024 alone, the so-called Big Four consulting firms collected roughly $240 million in federal contracts: Deloitte walked away with $136.4 million, KPMG billed $75.9 million, while Ernst & Young and PwC split another $27 million between them. That’s a quarter-billion dollars in just one year, to four private firms.
And it doesn’t end there. In the IT category Ottawa calls it informatics outsourcing hit $2.662 billion in 2022–23. Billions for outside IT contractors, even though the PBO itself found those contractors cost 22% to 25.7% more than hiring a public servant for the same work.
Think about that. By 2030, Ottawa will employ 442,000 full-time equivalents. Almost half a million public servants. And yet somehow, we still need to blow billions hiring consultants to run our IT systems? Really? With that many bureaucrats on the payroll, you’d think they could manage a computer network.
How many “digital transformation strategies” does one government need? How many billions go out the door before someone asks the obvious question: what are all these public servants actually doing?
That’s the contradiction the PBO has exposed. A permanent, ever-expanding federal workforce that still leans on consultants at a premium. More bureaucrats, more consultants, higher costs all paid for by taxpayers who don’t get the same job security, don’t get the same pensions, and certainly don’t get billion-dollar IT contracts.
Final Thoughts
Everyone deserves a fair wage. Nobody’s arguing that. But what Ottawa has done is write itself a blank cheque, guaranteed raises, guaranteed pensions, guaranteed job security for nearly 442,000 federal workers. Add to that a quarter-billion dollars for outside consultants and another $2.6 billion on IT contractors, and what do we actually get for the money?
Look around. ArriveCAN blew through tens of millions on non-competitive contracts. The so-called green slush fund at Sustainable Technology Canada was riddled with conflicts of interest. The Auditor General keeps flagging “serious deficiencies” year after year, government after government. And what happens? Nothing. Nobody gets fired. No one takes responsibility. Certainly not a minister.
So when the same Ottawa class tells us Canada has a “productivity problem”, the only sane response is: no kidding. Productivity isn’t just about factories or offices. It’s about government too. And right now, we have the most expensive, least accountable public service in Canadian history.
Here’s the reckoning: the federal government is addicted to consultants, its managers refuse to make the workforce actually work, and ministers simply don’t care. As taxpayers, what are we left with? Not shorter wait times in hospitals. Not faster service at passport offices. Not a public service that’s better. We’re left with a system that grows more expensive every year while delivering less.
So the real question is simple: what are we getting for $71 billion? Because from where I sit, the answer is not much.
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