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Canada’s housing density dilemma

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From the Fraser Institute

By Steven Globerman and Austin Thompson

Homebuilding in Canada has not kept pace with population growth and the resulting housing shortage is driving up housing costs, fuelling concerns about affordability. One widely proposed solution to Canada’s housing supply challenge—championed by the national housing agencyprovincial and municipal policymakers, and the construction industry—is to increase housing density, typically by building more multi-unit homes in existing urban areas.

Data on new housing construction (“housing starts”) demonstrate that a shift towards multi-unit housing is already well underway. The first chart below shows the changing composition of national housing starts since 1955 (the earliest year of data), distinguishing between single-detached homes and “multiples”—a category that includes semi-detached homes, row homes, and apartments.

Single-detached homes comprised the majority of housing starts in the 1950s and again in the 1980s and 1990s. Since the early 2000s, however, new housing construction in Canada has shifted decisively towards multiples. By the 2008/09 Global Financial Crisis, more multiples were being built than single-detached homes. And by 2024, multiples accounted for 77.8 per cent of housing starts in Canada. In other words, nearly four out of every five new homes started last year were part of a multi-unit housing development—a record-high share.

This national trend has been broadly mirrored across all 10 provinces. The second chart contrasts multiples’ share of overall housing starts in 1955 and 2024 for each province. In 2024, multiples accounted for a majority of housing starts in every province other than Newfoundland and Labrador.

Housing densification is being driven by several factors. Demand for urban housing is high—economic opportunities are concentrated in Canada’s major cities, and the share of Canadians living in these urban centres continues to grow. At the same time, developable land in Canada’s major urban centres is increasingly scarce and expensive. In response, multi-unit housing offers a relatively affordable way to expand housing supply in cities.

Denser housing also reflects shifting demographics: as household sizes shrink and more people live alone or in pairs, multi-unit housing options may better suit Canadians’ evolving needs. Moreover, government policies—including zoning reformfinancial incentives, and efforts to preserve farmland and environmental reserves—actively encourage denser building. This trend is not unique to Canada—housing densification is also taking place in comparable countries. Looking ahead, multiples are forecast to outpace single-detached homes in new construction for the foreseeable future.

The record-high share of multiples in Canada’s housing starts signals a major shift, but it will take time before this trend meaningfully affects overall housing stock. That’s because new construction, while significant, is small relative to the total number of existing homes. For example, in 2023 construction began on 240,267 new homes nationwide—equivalent to roughly 1.4 per cent of the estimated 17.1 million existing housing units. Single-detached homes still accounted for more than half of Canada’s overall housing stock as of the 2021 census.

These data should inform debates about housing density.

Canadians generally support new housing construction, but they are notably less enthusiastic when it comes to denser housing developments in established neighbourhoods—citing concerns about issues such as privacy, parking, and noise. These worries deserve attention, especially since housing densification is often concentrated in specific neighbourhoods. Thoughtful policy choices in building design, bylaw enforcement, and the provision of local infrastructure can help to mitigate legitimate concerns. However, some fears about greater density may be overstated. Canadian cities remain less dense than many comparable cities abroad and the evidence suggests that greater population density is compatible with a relatively high quality of life.

Getting the politics of density right is crucial to addressing Canada’s housing challenges. The country is not building enough homes and increasing housing density is an effective way to boost supply. Greater housing density is especially important in the context of shrinking household sizes. With fewer people living in each home, neighbourhoods that resist building more and denser housing risk slowly losing population, which can threaten the viability of local businesses, schools and services—undermining the very community character that opponents of redevelopment often seek to preserve.

As Canada continues to grapple with housing affordability challenges, a clear understanding of densification—its pace, drivers and trade-offs—will be essential to crafting balanced and effective housing solutions.

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Critics Accuse YouTube of Dragging Out Return Process for Banned Channels

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A promise to let banned creators return rings hollow when only select ones get a second chance.

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YouTube is being criticized for what many see as backpedaling on its commitment to free speech, after pledging to restore banned accounts, only to continue removing new channels created by previously banned figures.

The initial assurance came in a letter dated September 23, 2025, addressed to House Judiciary Committee Chairman Jim Jordan.

In that communication, YouTube acknowledged its past enforcement actions, which included terminating channels over election-related and COVID-19 content under policies that have since changed. The company claimed that its current guidelines permit more room for such topics and asserted:

“Reflecting the Company’s commitment to free expression, YouTube will provide an opportunity for all creators to rejoin the platform if the Company terminated their channels for repeated violations of COVID-19 and elections integrity policies that are no longer in effect.”

The same day, YouTube posted a message on X describing a “limited pilot project” that would provide “a pathway back to YouTube for some terminated creators to set up a new channel.”

However, the platform immediately added that this option would only apply to a “subset” of creators.

The vagueness of the commitment raised suspicion, which intensified when two prominent figures, Infowars founder Alex Jones and “America First” host Nick Fuentes, launched new channels that were almost immediately taken down.

Cartoon purple monkey wearing a red cap holding a magnifying glass above the message "This page isn't available. Sorry about that. Try searching for something else." with the YouTube logo and a search bar below on a pale gray background.

On September 25, YouTube confirmed in a follow-up post that the pilot program wasn’t active yet and reiterated that users previously banned under its policies would have their new channels removed.

Screenshot of a tweet by verified Updates From YouTube (@UpdatesFromYT) stating that previously terminated creators trying to start new channels are still prohibited, the pilot program on terminations is not yet open, YouTube will terminate new channels from previously terminated users in accordance with Community Guidelines, and more details on a limited pilot program will be shared soon; posted Sep 25, 2025, 9:42 AM, 728.7K views.

This abrupt reversal drew widespread condemnation. Either YouTube is committed to backtracking on its mistakes or it’s not.

YouTube’s September 25 post was heavily ratioed, with users blasting the company for promoting a free speech revival while simultaneously doubling down on removals.

The disconnect between the public promise and its execution fueled accusations of insincerity.

While YouTube didn’t ban Jones and Fuentes under the now-defunct COVID or election integrity policies: Jones was booted in 2018 over what the platform labeled “hate speech,” and Fuentes was removed in 2020 for alleged violations of the same hate speech rule, many argue that the company’s overall stance still undermines the broader principle of open discourse.

By dragging out the reinstatement process and narrowing eligibility through an undefined pilot, YouTube is being accused of turning its supposed “commitment to free expression” into a hollow gesture.

The promise to Congress now appears to be less a genuine policy shift and more a tightly controlled PR maneuver.

Despite YouTube’s attempts to frame its evolving guidelines as a win for free speech, actions speak louder. Blocking even the chance to return, particularly after stating that creators could rejoin, reveals just how selective the platform remains in determining who gets to speak and who doesn’t.

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BC Ferries: Emails Change Everything- Committee to Haul In Freeland & Co.

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Freeland, Public Safety, Seaspan, Irving, Ontario yards and unions to appear as MPs probe what Ottawa knew and when.

In Ottawa they call it “arm’s-length.” Out in the real world, people call it duck-and-cover. At Meeting No. 6 of the House of Commons transport committee, MPs confronted a simple, damning timeline: Transport Canada’s top non-partisan official was warned six weeks before the public announcement that BC Ferries would award a four-ship contract to a Chinese state-owned yard. Yet the former transport minister, Chrystia Freeland, told Parliament she was “shocked.” Those two facts do not coexist in nature. One is true, or the other is not.

There’s an even bigger betrayal hiding in plain sight. In the last election, this Liberal government campaigned on a Canada-first message—jobs here, supply chains here, steel here. And then, when it actually mattered, they watched a billion-dollar ferry order sail to a PRC state yard with no Canadian-content requirement attached to the federal financing. So much for “Canada first.” Turns out it was “Canada… eventually,” after the press release.

Conservatives put the revelation on the record and asked the only question that matters in a democracy: what did the minister know and when did she know it? The documents they cite don’t suggest confusion; they suggest choreography—ministerial staff emailing the Prime Minister’s Office on how to manage the announcement rather than stop the deal that offshored Canadian work to a Chinese state firm.

Follow the money and it gets worse. A federal Crown lender—the Canada Infrastructure Bank—underwrote $1 billion for BC Ferries and attached no Canadian-content requirement to the financing. In plain English: taxpayers took the risk, Beijing got the jobs. The paper trail presented to MPs is smothered in black ink—hundreds of pages of redactions—with one stray breadcrumb: a partially visible BC Hydro analysis suggesting roughly half a billion dollars in B.C. terminal upgrades to make the “green” ferry plan work. You’re not supposed to see that. You almost didn’t.

How did the government side respond? With a jurisdictional shrug. We’re told, over and over, that BC Ferries is a provincial, arm’s-length corporation; the feds didn’t pick the yard, don’t run the procurement, and therefore shouldn’t be blamed. That line is convenient, and in a technical sense it’s tidy. But it wilts under heat. The federal lender is still federal. The money is still public. If “arm’s-length” means “no accountability,” it’s not a governance model—it’s a get-out-of-jail-free card.

The fallback argument is economic fatalism: no Canadian shipyards bid, we’re told; building here would have taken longer and cost “billions” more. Maybe that’s true, maybe it isn’t—but it’s the sort of claim that demands evidence, not condescension. Because the last time Canadians heard this script, the same political class promised that global supply chains were efficient, cheap and safe. Then reality happened. If domestic capacity is too weak to compete, that’s not an argument for outsourcing permanently; it’s an indictment of the people who let that capacity atrophy. And if you swear “Canada first” on the campaign trail, you don’t bankroll “China first” from the Treasury bench.

Even the process looked like a master class in delay. The committee repeatedly suspended to “circulate” and “review” lengthy motions, while edits ricocheted across the witness list. There were pushes to pare back which ministers would appear at all, and counter-moves to tuck sensitive testimony behind closed doors. In the end, members nudged toward a compromise—Public Safety in open session, other national-security witnesses in camera—but the pattern was unmistakable: every procedural minute spent on choreography was a minute not spent on the timeline.

And after all that stalling, here’s who they’re hauling in—because even Ottawa’s fog machine couldn’t hide the paper trail forever.

They moved to recall Chrystia Freeland herself—the minister who claimed to be “shocked” after her own department had a six-week head start. She’s the centerpiece witness, and rightly so.

On the security front, the Public Safety Minister is slated for an hour in public, followed by an hour with officials, while the national-security reviewers will give their evidence in camera—translation: the part you most want to hear will happen behind closed doors.

Industry voices are on deck too: Seaspan (the transcript garbles it as “C-Span”), Irving Shipbuilding, plus labour and trade heavyweights—the BC Ferries & Marine Workers’ Union, BC Building Trades, the BC Federation of Labour, the Shipyard General Workers Federation, and the Canadian steel producers—the people who can say, under oath, exactly what Ottawa knew and when the alarm bells rang.

They even tacked on Ontario shipyards via a “friendly amendment”—because apparently no one thought to ask central Canada’s yards until the story blew up.

And then the hedge: Liberals worked the amendments to pare back which ministers would face the lights—especially Revenue and Labour—prompting Conservatives to call the move “intolerable.” In other words, invite the easy witnesses, bury the consequential ones. The fight over those two remained live at that point.

So yes, the committee will finally hear from the people who matter—Freeland, Public Safety, shipyards, unions, steel. But notice the choreography: showcase the safe bits in public, tuck the sensitive parts out of view, and keep chipping away at the ministerial witness list. That’s not transparency; that’s stage management with a security badge.

Strip away the talking points and what remains are questions no serious government would duck. When did the minister learn the contract was going to China? What did her office tell the PMO and when? Why did a federal loan—the leverage Ottawa actually controls—carry zero requirement to build any of it here? And why are the documents that might answer those questions buried under redactions thick enough to pave a road?

Canadians are not children. They understand that ferries are essential and that delays are costly. They also understand something else: when a government runs on Canada first and then cheers from the dock as the jobs steam away, that’s not “arm’s-length.” That’s arm’s-length accountability—which is to say, none. Until the emails are unredacted and Chrystia Freeland answers the timeline under oath, the government’s position amounts to this: trust us, the money’s independent, the decisions were someone else’s, and the facts you’re not allowed to see fully vindicate us. Sure. And the check is in the mail.


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