Business
Canada’s great PONI race – projects of national interest

From Resource Works
The Roberts Bank terminal expansion would generate 132,400 jobs across Canada, according to an economic analysis by the Port of Vancouver, generate $9.3 billion in wages, $16.3 billion in GDP and $32.7 billion in economic output. It was approved by the federal government in 2023 with 370 legally binding conditions. The environmental review process has gone on for about a decade now, and continues to get bogged down in a permitting morass.
Sometime this year, the Mark Carney government is expected to announce a list of major “nation-building” projects that it will help advance with its Bill C-5 fast-tracking legislation. These projects have been dubbed as PONIs – projects of national interest. Let’s hope this doesn’t turn into some kind of federal welfare scheme in which the taxpayer ends up footing the full bill. “We should absolutely start with the ones where there’s already a private proponent, not a province seeking subsidies,” says Heather Exner-Pirot, senior fellow and director of energy, natural resources and environment for the Macdonald Laurier Institute.
I would argue that projects that facilitate exports — pipelines, rail, ports — ultimately provide the most economic value because it means increasing market access and getting a higher price for our commodities. I think there’s a strong argument to be made that a new crude oil pipeline to the West Coast and infrastructure needed to develop Ontario’s Ring of Fire mining region are two nation building proposals that would have maximum economic impacts, and therefore should top the PONI priority list. “Energy projects or anything related to manufacturing-value added initiatives should be categorized as nation building projects,” says Ellis Ross, Conservative MP for Skeena-Bulkley.
We need to attract private capital to help build mega-projects. So let’s hope Alberta Premier Danielle Smith can find a proponent in the private sector willing to invest in the new pipeline to the West Coast. So far, it doesn’t look promising. Two Canadian midstream companies – Enbridge and TC Energy – have basically said they’re not interested in Canada anymore and are more focused on the U.S. now. And who can blame them? They wasted hundreds of millions of dollars on pipeline proposals – Northern Gateway and Keystone XL – that became deflated political footballs. But if Danielle Smith can find a private sector partner to build a new crude oil pipeline from Alberta to Prince Rupert, I think that should be a top priority for the Carney government. The Carney government will need to consider just how realistic some of the projects being proposed are. How close to shovel-ready are they? How quickly could they be built?
The federal government’s own criteria for designation of projects for federal support and fast-tracking include:
- projects that “strengthen Canada’s autonomy, resilience and security”;
- contributes to clean growth and climate goals;
- advances First Nations interests; and
- have a high likelihood of success.
To tick that “clean growth” box, Smith’s new pipeline would need to be paired with the Pathways Alliance’s $20 billion carbon capture proposal. That project has private capital behind it, so it’s essentially shovel-ready. While other Canadian premiers have publicly championed their own pet projects for consideration, David Eby appears not to have pitched any projects yet, at least not publicly. Maybe that’s a tacit admission that nation building designations are likely to be limited to one per region, and that a new pipeline to the West Coast – Northern Gateway 2.0 – is the most likely candidate for Western Canada. Or maybe he feels B.C. may not need the federal government’s help in advancing projects in B.C. like Ksi Lisims LNG and new mines – that these projects can be advanced without Ottawa’s help. And that may, in fact, be the case.
B.C. has its own fast-tracking legislation – Bill 15 – with 18 projects already designated. They include the Teck Resources Highland Valley copper mine expansion, Cedar LNG, and Enbridge’s Aspen Point natural gas pipeline network expansion. Just last week, Teck announced the sanctioning of its $2.4 billion project Highland Valley copper expansion project, with construction to start this month. “What B.C. did — I have to give them credit, for once — is they just made it easier for proponents already in the system. They didn’t subsidize, it didn’t cost them money, there is a private proponent, there is a business case. And they just made it easier. And this seems to me to be the right approach.”
In other words, apart from an oil pipeline to Prince Rupert, Exner-Pirot does not believe B.C. necessarily needs to put any PONIs in the federal race. “B.C. is in the enviable position of having great resources, of having LNG, of having tidewater access already,” she said. “They have tens of billions of projects all in the queue with private investors. The territories don’t have that, Manitoba does not have that, Atlantic Canada does not have that. “They shouldn’t really even need the feds. They just need them to get out of the way.”
If there is one major project in B.C. that might warrant a federal designation, it’s the Roberts Bank terminal expansion, Exner-Pirot said. The Roberts Bank terminal expansion was approved by the federal government in 2023 with 370 legally binding conditions. The expansion would generate 132,400 jobs across Canada, according to an economic analysis by the Port of Vancouver, generate $9.3 billion in wages, $16.3 billion in GDP and $32.7 billion in economic output.
Surely this should qualify as nation-building, as it would facilitate the movement of Canadian goods and commodities to markets in the Asia Pacific.
But it has been in an environmental review process that has gone on for about a decade now, and which continues to get bogged down in a permitting morass. So if there is one project in B.C. that could use a federal designation for fast-tracking, it’s the Roberts Bank Terminal expansion, Exner-Pirot said. Otherwise, the only other PONI that B.C. would benefit from is Northern Gateway 2.0. “That would have the biggest GDP impact for Canada,” Exner-Pirot said. B.C. would benefit from billions spent on the B.C. portion of the pipeline. One need only look at the Trans Mountain pipeline expansion project to see what kind of an economic juggernaut a major pipeline project can be, for Alberta, for B.C. and for Canada.
In terms of job creation, TMX generated an estimated 36,917 jobs — 16,476 in Alberta and 16,476 for B.C. – according to Energy Connection Canada. EY has estimated that TMX, which cost $31 billion to build, would generate $52.8 billion in economic activity, add $26 billion to GDP, pay $11 billion in wages, and generate $2.9 billion in tax revenue.
Over the next 20 years, it is expected to generate $17.3 billion in total economic activity and add $9.2 billion to GDP. Oil is Canada’s most valuable export, accounting for 19% of Canada’s total exports. When Alberta’s oil sector is thriving, Canada thrives. Getting a private company to build the new pipeline will require the Carney government to scrap its West Coast oil tanker ban, oil and gas emissions cap, and essentially exempt it from the Impact Assessment Act, otherwise it just ain’t going to happen. As for some of the other major projects being proposed across Canada, like the Grays Bay road and port project and the Churchill port project, they certainly seem to qualify as nation-building projects, but would require massive amounts of public funding. “Those are all ones looking for the government to fund and build,” Exner-Pirot said. “Grays Bay has zero private dollars. They’re looking for 100% covered by the feds. “Is this just regional welfare? Is this an excuse to dole out money to different regions to buy votes? This is what it looks like.”
Nelson Bennett’s column appears weekly at Resource Works News. Contact him at [email protected].
Business
Court ruling gives DOGE green light on federal data sweep

Quick Hit:
A federal appeals court has cleared the way for the Department of Government Efficiency (DOGE) to access sensitive data from multiple federal agencies, overturning a lower court’s block and aligning with a recent Supreme Court decision on similar Social Security records.
Key Details:
- The U.S. Court of Appeals for the Fourth Circuit granted DOGE access to data from the Treasury, Education, and Office of Personnel Management.
- The majority opinion cited a June Supreme Court order allowing DOGE to review Social Security records.
- Critics, including labor unions and Judge Robert B. King in dissent, warn of privacy risks and lack of transparency in DOGE’s operations.
Diving Deeper:
On Tuesday, a Fourth Circuit panel handed the Trump administration’s Department of Government Efficiency a significant win, granting its analysts access to personal data housed at several major federal agencies. The decision overturns a February lower court ruling that had blocked such access and comes just weeks after the Supreme Court allowed DOGE to continue reviewing Social Security data.
The 2-1 ruling, authored by Judge Julius N. Richardson, a Trump appointee, and joined by Judge G. Steven Agee, appointed by President George W. Bush, permits DOGE teams to pull data from the Treasury Department, the Department of Education, and the Office of Personnel Management. These databases hold a wide array of personal details—from addresses and employer records to student loan data for more than 40 million borrowers.
Judge Richardson argued the case closely mirrored the Supreme Court’s recent emergency decision, which granted DOGE “high-level I.T. access” to agency databases to carry out its mission. The administration maintains DOGE’s purpose is to scrutinize federal records for waste, duplication, and fraud—efforts President Trump has made a cornerstone of his push to downsize Washington’s bureaucracy.
Labor unions, however, contend that DOGE’s sweeping authority violates federal privacy laws. They warn that such access could expose sensitive information and lacks sufficient safeguards. Judge Robert B. King, a Clinton appointee, issued a sharp dissent, criticizing the “sudden, unfettered, unprecedented” access to millions of Americans’ personal records and defending the lower court’s caution.
While Elon Musk, who helped establish DOGE, stepped down in May, the department has continued operating largely in the shadows, pursuing what opponents describe as an aggressive agenda to shrink federal agencies and limit the scope of government services. As legal challenges play out, the judiciary has increasingly sided with DOGE—an outcome that strengthens the administration’s hand in reshaping the federal apparatus.
“Theodore Roosevelt Federal Building – Washington D.C.” by Tony Webster licensed under (CC BY-SA 2.0)
Business
Canada’s new pipeline opens a direct oil route to India, offering a sanctions-proof rival to Russian crude.

From Resource Works
India’s giant, flexible refineries are precisely the sort of customers TMX was built to reach. Reliance’s Jamnagar facility can process over 500 different crude grades and is adept at switching feedstocks based on market advantage (NYT). That makes Canadian heavy and medium crudes a natural fit — if price and freight conditions are right.
The completion of the Trans Mountain Expansion (TMX) in May 2024 was meant to end Canada’s near-total dependence on the U.S. as a crude oil export outlet. It worked. For the first time in history, Canadian oil is sailing directly from the West Coast to refiners across the Pacific — including India, the world’s fastest-growing large economy.
But Canada’s early foray into the Indian market comes at a moment when New Delhi’s oil trade with Russia is under intense global scrutiny.
India’s refining titans and Russian crude
Two massive refineries dominate India’s west coast: Mukesh Ambani’s Reliance Industries facility in Jamnagar — the largest in the world — and the Nayara Energy refinery, partly owned by Russia’s Rosneft. Together, they process roughly 1.5 million barrels per day, with about a third of Reliance’s intake and a large portion of Nayara’s coming from Russian sellers (NYT, Aug. 9, 2025).
These plants have thrived on Russian discounts since Europe turned away from Moscow’s crude after the 2022 invasion of Ukraine. For over two years, Indian refiners bought huge volumes of seaborne Russian oil, processed it, and sold products into global markets — including Europe (NYT).
That trade is now a flashpoint. On July 30, U.S. President Donald Trump slapped India with a 25% tariff, accusing it of aiding Russia’s war aims. A week later, he doubled down with an executive order targeting exporters seen to benefit from the Russian oil trade (NYT).
Canada’s small but symbolic entry
Against this backdrop, Canadian shipments to India are small in volume but significant in symbolism.
• May–June 2024: Approximately 262,500 barrels of Canadian crude moved to India via TMX, valued at US $159 million (BIV).
• July 2024: Reliance made its first direct purchase — 2 million barrels of Canadian crude — marking the most substantial Canadian sale to India on record (Reuters).
According to Rita Trichur writing in the Globe & Mail on Aug. 7, the latest sign of increasing Indian interest is the Indian Oil Corp.’s purchase of 500,000 barrels of Western Canadian Select for September delivery.
These shipments represent a diversification for India, giving it an alternative to Russian and Persian Gulf supplies, and a potential geopolitical hedge as tensions with Washington grow.
Strategic convergence — and competition
For Canada, India’s giant, flexible refineries are precisely the sort of customers TMX was built to reach. Reliance’s Jamnagar facility can process over 500 different crude grades and is adept at switching feedstocks based on market advantage (NYT). That makes Canadian heavy and medium crudes a natural fit — if price and freight conditions are right.
Yet Canada is not alone in targeting India. The same ultra-large crude carriers that carry Russian barrels to Jamnagar can just as easily deliver Venezuelan, Saudi, or Brazilian oil.
Why it matters for Canadian producers
• Market leverage: Each cargo sold outside North America increases Canada’s pricing power.
• Political hedge: With Russia’s trade under pressure and Middle East volatility persisting, Canada offers a reliable, sanctions-proof supply line.
• Brand advantage: Canadian crude, produced under some of the world’s strictest environmental and labour standards, offers a reputational edge for buyers sensitive to ESG concerns.
The road ahead
India imports 85% of its crude (NYT), and its refining capacity is still growing. While Canadian shipments are a fraction of its intake today, the TMX route has cracked open a door that could swing wider — especially if Russian volumes taper under political pressure. But without a new oil pipeline to the Canadian port, there will be no way to take full advantage of this opportunity.
PC: Prime Minister Mark Carney greets Indian Prime Minister Narendra Modi at the G7 Summit in Kananaskis, Alta., on Tuesday, June 17, 2025. THE CANADIAN PRESS/Adrian Wyld
-
Business2 days ago
Why are we still paying so much for telecom and TV?
-
Alberta2 days ago
India and Spain are buying Canadian oil…from the U.S.
-
Business2 days ago
Canada’s new pipeline opens a direct oil route to India, offering a sanctions-proof rival to Russian crude.
-
COVID-192 days ago
Agencies ordered to delete worker COVID vaccine records
-
International17 hours ago
Al Jazeera journalists killed during Israeli airstrike in Gaza
-
Automotive2 days ago
Canada’s EV programs are crashing out
-
Business2 days ago
Counter tariffs not advised as Canada looks for answers in trade dispute
-
Daily Caller1 day ago
Pentagon Reportedly Planning Military Task Force To Quell Rioting In Lawless Cities