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Energy

Canada is no energy superpower

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This article supplied by Troy Media.

Troy Media By Bill Whitelaw

And pretending otherwise is a fool’s game

Canada is not an energy superpower. Not even close.

The term has become a convenient political crutch, used as a slogan to signal ambition without doing the hard work of building a unified national strategy. It’s a hollow label, unsupported by clarity, coherence, or consensus.

But what does an energy superpower actually mean?

An energy superpower is a nation that not only exploits vast energy resources but also possesses the infrastructure, political unity, and global influence to shape international energy markets.

Right now, Canada has none of these. Instead, we are mired in political disarray, inconsistent energy policies, and missed opportunities.

This misleading label is further complicated by Canada’s political fragmentation. Provincial policies are often at odds with one another, preventing any coherent national energy strategy. Alberta’s economy remains heavily reliant on oil and gas, yet its policies clash with those of Ottawa, which is pushing for a green transition. Meanwhile, Quebec has imposed a complete ban on new oil and gas development, deepening the divide.

This disunity makes it impossible to speak of Canada as an energy superpower.

How can we be a superpower when we can’t even agree on our own energy future? The result is a country torn between expanding fossil fuel production and pivoting to renewable energy, but with no clear path forward on either front.

Moreover, the term energy superpower is also misleading because it suggests that Canada is already a leader in the global energy market. But we are not. We lack the internal coherence and strategic focus necessary to claim this title.

Rather than being based on a solid, coherent energy strategy, the superpower narrative is little more than wishful thinking—a convenient narrative used by politicians to appeal to certain voter bases, but without addressing the hard realities that true energy leadership requires.

These political rifts and contradictions translate directly into real-world consequences.

Canada has failed to build the infrastructure needed to efficiently move resources. Take, for example, the Trans Mountain pipeline, which has faced years of delays and massive cost overruns, and the stalled East Coast LNG projects.

These serve as prime examples of our inability to capitalize on our energy potential.

The Trans Mountain expansion was initially pegged at $7.4 billion, but it ballooned to over $34 billion by 2023, with no guarantee that the government will recoup that investment. Meanwhile, critical LNG export projects in Eastern Canada remain stuck in regulatory limbo, with no consensus between provinces or between the provinces and the federal government. These delays and cost overruns show that, despite having some of the world’s largest oil reserves, Canada has been unable to turn its potential into action.

Even the energy sector itself is deeply fragmented. Industry groups such as the Canadian Association of Petroleum Producers, Clean Energy Canada, and the Transition Accelerator all propose vastly different roadmaps for the country’s energy future. Some are focused on expanding oil sands and pipelines, while others push for a transition to clean energy. But there is no unified national strategy, and this lack of coordination, coupled with the failure to reconcile these conflicting viewpoints, undermines any claim that Canada is on track to become an energy superpower.

If we continue down this path, the superpower narrative will not unite the country. It will fracture it further, reinforcing existing polarization and distracting us from the real work that needs to be done.

Instead of embracing a vague label of “superpower,” Canada needs to prioritize real, substantive action: infrastructure development, clear policy frameworks, and consensus-building among provinces and stakeholders.

For Canada to become a true energy superpower, we need to invest in projects that support long-term energy security, environmental sustainability, and economic growth. This means not just exploiting resources, but doing so with the necessary infrastructure to transport and refine them efficiently.

We also need to build a national consensus that recognizes the importance of all energy sources—fossil fuels, renewables, and critical minerals—and how they can work together to support both domestic needs and international export markets.

Canada must stop using the energy superpower label until we’ve demonstrated the political coherence and infrastructure needed to back it up. Until then, we need to focus on building consensus and strategy for the future, so that when we do claim the title, it will be earned, not merely wished for.

Bill Whitelaw is a director and advisor to many industry boards, including the Canadian Society for Evolving Energy, which he chairs. He speaks and comments frequently on the subjects of social licence, innovation and technology, and energy supply networks. 

Troy Media empowers Canadian community news outlets by providing independent, insightful analysis and commentary. Our mission is to support local media in helping Canadians stay informed and engaged by delivering reliable content that strengthens community connections and deepens understanding across the country

Alberta

Alberta Premier Danielle Smith Discusses Moving Energy Forward at the Global Energy Show in Calgary

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From Energy Now

At the energy conference in Calgary, Alberta Premier Danielle Smith pressed the case for building infrastructure to move provincial products to international markets, via a transportation and energy corridor to British Columbia.

“The anchor tenant for this corridor must be a 42-inch pipeline, moving one million incremental barrels of oil to those global markets. And we can’t stop there,” she told the audience.

The premier reiterated her support for new pipelines north to Grays Bay in Nunavut, east to Churchill, Man., and potentially a new version of Energy East.

The discussion comes as Prime Minister Mark Carney and his government are assembling a list of major projects of national interest to fast-track for approval.

Carney has also pledged to establish a major project review office that would issue decisions within two years, instead of five.

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Alberta

Punishing Alberta Oil Production: The Divisive Effect of Policies For Carney’s “Decarbonized Oil”

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From Energy Now

By Ron Wallace

The federal government has doubled down on its commitment to “responsibly produced oil and gas”. These terms are apparently carefully crafted to maintain federal policies for Net Zero. These policies include a Canadian emissions cap, tanker bans and a clean electricity mandate.

Following meetings in Saskatoon in early June between Prime Minister Mark Carney and Canadian provincial and territorial leaders, the federal government expressed renewed interest in the completion of new oil pipelines to reduce reliance on oil exports to the USA while providing better access to foreign markets.  However Carney, while suggesting that there is “real potential” for such projects nonetheless qualified that support as being limited to projects that would “decarbonize” Canadian oil, apparently those that would employ carbon capture technologies.  While the meeting did not result in a final list of potential projects, Alberta Premier Danielle Smith said that this approach would constitute a “grand bargain” whereby new pipelines to increase oil exports could help fund decarbonization efforts. But is that true and what are the implications for the Albertan and Canadian economies?


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The federal government has doubled down on its commitment to “responsibly produced oil and gas”. These terms are apparently carefully crafted to maintain federal policies for Net Zero. These policies include a Canadian emissions cap, tanker bans and a clean electricity mandate. Many would consider that Canadians, especially Albertans, should be wary of these largely undefined announcements in which Ottawa proposes solely to determine projects that are “in the national interest.”

The federal government has tabled legislation designed to address these challenges with Bill C-5: An Act to enact the Free Trade and Labour Mobility Act and the Building Canada Act (the One Canadian Economy Act).  Rather than replacing controversial, and challenged, legislation like the Impact Assessment Act, the Carney government proposes to add more legislation designed to accelerate and streamline regulatory approvals for energy and infrastructure projects. However, only those projects that Ottawa designates as being in the national interest would be approved. While clearer, shorter regulatory timelines and the restoration of the Major Projects Office are also proposed, Bill C-5 is to be superimposed over a crippling regulatory base.

It remains to be seen if this attempt will restore a much-diminished Canadian Can-Do spirit for economic development by encouraging much-needed, indeed essential interprovincial teamwork across shared jurisdictions.  While the Act’s proposed single approval process could provide for expedited review timelines, a complex web of regulatory processes will remain in place requiring much enhanced interagency and interprovincial coordination. Given Canada’s much-diminished record for regulatory and policy clarity will this legislation be enough to persuade the corporate and international capital community to consider Canada as a prime investment destination?

As with all complex matters the devil always lurks in the details. Notably, these federal initiatives arrive at a time when the Carney government is facing ever-more pressing geopolitical, energy security and economic concerns.  The Organization for Economic Co-operation and Development predicts that Canada’s economy will grow by a dismal one per cent in 2025 and 1.1 per cent in 2026 – this at a time when the global economy is predicted to grow by 2.9 per cent.

It should come as no surprise that Carney’s recent musing about the “real potential” for decarbonized oil pipelines have sparked debate. The undefined term “decarbonized”, is clearly aimed directly at western Canadian oil production as part of Ottawa’s broader strategy to achieve national emissions commitments using costly carbon capture and storage (CCS) projects whose economic viability at scale has been questioned. What might this mean for western Canadian oil producers?

The Alberta Oil sands presently account for about 58% of Canada’s total oil output. Data from December 2023 show Alberta producing a record 4.53 million barrels per day (MMb/d) as major oil export pipelines including Trans Mountain, Keystone and the Enbridge Mainline operate at high levels of capacity.  Meanwhile, in 2023 eastern Canada imported on average about 490,000 barrels of crude oil per day (bpd) at a cost estimated at CAD $19.5 billion.  These seaborne shipments to major refineries (like New Brunswick’s Irving Refinery in Saint John) rely on imported oil by tanker with crude oil deliveries to New Brunswick averaging around 263,000 barrels per day.  In 2023 the estimated total cost to Canada for imported crude oil was $19.5 billion with oil imports arriving from the United States (72.4%), Nigeria (12.9%), and Saudi Arabia (10.7%).  Since 1988, marine terminals along the St. Lawrence have seen imports of foreign oil valued at more than $228 billion while the Irving Oil refinery imported $136 billion from 1988 to 2020.

What are the policy and cost implication of Carney’s call for the “decarbonization” of western Canadian produced, oil?  It implies that western Canadian “decarbonized” oil would have to be produced and transported to competitive world markets under a material regulatory and financial burden.  Meanwhile, eastern Canadian refiners would be allowed to import oil from the USA and offshore jurisdictions free from any comparable regulatory burdens. This policy would penalize, and makes less competitive, Canadian producers while rewarding offshore sources. A federal regulatory requirement to decarbonize western Canadian crude oil production without imposing similar restrictions on imported oil would render the One Canadian Economy Act moot and create two market realities in Canada – one that favours imports and that discourages, or at very least threatens the competitiveness of, Canadian oil export production.


Ron Wallace is a former Member of the National Energy Board.

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