conflict
Biden-Harris Stumble Towards World War III

From the Daily Caller News Foundation
During the ABC debate between Vice President Kamala Harris and former President Donald Trump, the former president issued a warning that should terrify every American: “[President Joe Biden] had no idea how to stop [the war in Ukraine]. And now you have millions of people dead and it’s only getting worse and it could lead to World War 3. Don’t kid yourself, David. We’re playing with World War 3. And we have a president that we don’t even know if he’s— where is our president?”
The debate “moderator” whistled right past Trump’s warning and asked him in response if he wanted “Ukraine to win this war?” I’ve heard more thoughtful questions from a 4th grader.
What Trump made clear — and ABC blithely ignored — is that the Biden administration is risking a world war over Ukraine. The last time we got this close to the use of nuclear weapons, the issues at hand were West Berlin and Russian missiles 90 miles off the coast of Florida. Then, unlike now, the American people clearly understood what was at risk. The presidents who oversaw those crises explained their calculus to the public.
But the Biden administration has edged the country closer and closer to a world war with little public debate. The United States is currently mired chest-deep in what strategists coyly call a “proxy war” with Russia. We’re supplying weapons, military advice, money and intelligence — and Ukraine is providing the warm bodies.
As the price tag of this proxy war creeps towards $200 billion, few Americans even understand the ultimate goal. There has been precious little talk in Washington, D.C. about what a “win” might look like for Ukraine. Biden, who Trump rightly points out has been mostly missing in action, has ignored Vladimir Putin’s requests to negotiate a settlement. More worrisomely, the Biden administration seems to be seriously considering escalating the United States’ involvement.
Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelensky is said to be working on “a plan” to present to Biden about how to end the war. Zelensky darkly warned last month, “There can be no compromises with Putin, dialogue today is in principle empty and meaningless because he does not want to end the war diplomatically.”
Before Congress gives another red cent to Ukraine, the American people should have an opportunity to read and evaluate Zelensky’s plan. A “no compromises” end to the war is insanely unrealistic short of a complete collapse of the Russian army — Putin has made clear he will never accept Ukraine as a member of NATO or give up Crimea.
Last week, Biden said he is open to allowing Ukraine to hit targets deeper within Russia with American-supplied missiles. It does not take a military genius to understand that Zelensky would love to see the United States and NATO directly enter the war. That is Ukraine’s best shot at the “win” its leader has outlined, as Russia is out-producing Ukraine in soldiers and war materiel.
Zelensky’s requests to escalate U.S. involvement in the conflict should be evaluated with extreme caution. Specifically, Ukraine wants targeting restrictions lifted from the Army’s Tactical Missile System (ATACMS). Biden sent the missiles to Ukraine as part of last spring’s aid package and is said to be considering lifting the restrictions as I write this.
It is a horrible idea.
Firstly, Russia has made clear that the lifting of restrictions would be tantamount to direct American involvement in the war. “Washington and other European states are becoming parties to the war in Ukraine,” Vyacheslav Volodin, the chairman of Russia’s State Duma, the lower house of parliament said.
Secondly, Ukraine has already attacked Moscow repeatedly with drones. Were it to bomb the Kremlin with a U.S.-manufactured and sanctioned ATACM, what would Putin’s response be? Imagine a Russian missile hitting Washington with the blessings of Moscow.
Lastly, pray that Biden’s team is taking seriously Putin’s threats to use nuclear weapons in the conflict. Britain’s MI6 Chief Richard Moore recently remarked that the “Russian intelligence service has gone a bit feral,” while the CIA acknowledged that Russia nearly went nuclear over the Ukraine war in the summer of 2022.
As Trump warned at the debate, “[Putin has] nuclear weapons. Nobody ever thinks about that. And eventually, maybe he’ll use them.”
Our best hope to avoid that scenario is a swift return to rational statecraft.
Morgan Murphy is military thought leader, former press secretary to the Secretary of Defense and national security advisor in the U.S. Senate.
conflict
Trump dismisses US intelligence that Iran wasn’t pursuing nuclear bomb before Israeli attack

From LifeSiteNews
By Dave DeCamp
When asked about Tulsi Gabbard’s assessment, President Trump said, ‘I don’t care what she said. I think they’re very close to having [a nuclear weapon].’
Ahead of Israel’s attacks on Iran, U.S. intelligence assessed that Iran was not pursuing nuclear weapons and that even if it chose to do so, it would take up to three years for Tehran to be able to produce and deliver a nuclear bomb against a target of its choosing, CNN reported on Tuesday, citing people familiar with the intelligence.
The U.S. assessment goes against the claims from Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu, who launched the war under the pretext of preventing Iran from obtaining a nuclear weapon. But President Trump appears to be taking Israel’s word over his own intelligence agencies, as he told reporters that he didn’t care about his director of national intelligence’s assessment on the issue.
In March, DNI Tulsi Gabbard said that “Iran is not building a nuclear weapon and Supreme Leader Khamenei has not authorized the nuclear weapons program he suspended in 2003.” Her assessment was reflected in the Intelligence Community’s annual threat assessment.
When asked about this assessment, President Trump said, “I don’t care what she said. I think they’re very close to having [a nuclear weapon].”
Netanyahu claimed in an interview on Sunday that he shared intelligence with the U.S. that Iran could have developed a nuclear weapon within months or a year, although that was not the conclusion of U.S. intelligence agencies, based on the CNN report. But even based on Netanyahu’s own timeline, the U.S. would have had time to continue negotiations with Iran.
Israel attacked Iran two days before another round of negotiations between the U.S. and Iran was set to be held. Trump had been demanding that Iran eliminate its nuclear enrichment program, which was a non-starter for Tehran. Despite the apparent impasse, Iran was set to present a counter-proposal to the U.S., but the talks were canceled after Israel launched its war.
Reprinted with permission from Antiwar.com.
Business
Trump makes impact on G7 before he makes his exit

Trump Rips Into Obama and Trudeau at G7 for a “Very Big Mistake” on Russia
At the G7 in Canada, President Trump didn’t just speak—he delivered a headline-making indictment.
Standing alongside Canada’s Prime Minister, he directly blasted Barack Obama and Justin Trudeau, accusing them of committing a “very big mistake” by booting Russia out of the G8. He warned that this move didn’t deter conflict—it unleashed it, and he insists it paved the way for the war in Ukraine.
Before the working sessions began, the two leaders fielded questions. The first topic: the ongoing trade negotiations between the U.S. and Canada. Trump didn’t hesitate to point out that the issue wasn’t personal—it was philosophical.
“It’s not so much holding up. I think we have different concepts,” Trump said. “I have a tariff concept, Mark [Carney] has a different concept, which is something that some people like.”
He made it clear that he prefers a more straightforward approach. “I’ve always been a tariff person. It’s simple, it’s easy, it’s precise and it just goes very quickly.”
Carney, he added, favors a more intricate framework—“also very good,” Trump said. The goal now, according to Trump, is to examine both strategies and find a path forward. “We’re going to look at both and we’re going to come out with something hopefully.”
When asked whether a deal could be finalized in a matter of days or weeks, Trump didn’t overpromise, but he left the door open. “It’s achievable but both parties have to agree.”
Then the conversation took an unexpected turn.
Standing next to Canada’s Prime Minister, whose predecessor helped lead that push, Trump argued that isolating Moscow may have backfired. “The G7 used to be the G8,” he said, pointing to the moment Russia was kicked out.
He didn’t hold back. “Barack Obama and a person named Trudeau didn’t want to have Russia in, and I would say that was a mistake because I think you wouldn’t have a war right now if you had Russia in.”
This wasn’t just a jab at past leaders. Trump was drawing a direct line from that decision to the war in Ukraine. According to him, expelling Russia took away any real chance at diplomacy before things spiraled.
“They threw Russia out, which I claimed was a very big mistake even though I wasn’t in politics then, I was loud about it.” For Trump, diplomacy doesn’t mean agreement—it means keeping adversaries close enough to negotiate.
“It was a mistake in that you spent so much time talking about Russia, but he’s no longer at the table. It makes life more complicated. You wouldn’t have had the war.”
Then he made it personal. Trump compared two timelines—one with him in office, and one without. “You wouldn’t have a war right now if Trump were president four years ago,” he said. “But it didn’t work out that way.”
Before reporters could even process Trump’s comments on Russia, he shifted gears again—this time turning to Iran.
Asked whether there had been any signs that Tehran wanted to step back from confrontation, Trump didn’t hesitate. “Yeah,” he said. “They’d like to talk.”
The admission was short but revealing. For the first time publicly, Trump confirmed that Iran had signaled interest in easing tensions. But he made it clear they may have waited too long.
“They should have done that before,” he said, referencing a missed 60-day negotiation window. “On the 61st day I said we don’t have a deal.”
Even so, he acknowledged that both sides remain under pressure. “They have to make a deal and it’s painful for both parties but I would say Iran is not winning this war.”
Then came the warning, delivered with unmistakable urgency. “They should talk and they should talk IMMEDIATELY before it’s too late.”
Eventually, the conversation turned back to domestic issues: specifically, immigration and crime.
He confirmed he’s directing ICE to focus its efforts on sanctuary cities, which he accused of protecting violent criminals for political purposes.
He pointed directly at major Democrat-led cities, saying the worst problems are concentrated in deep blue urban centers. “I look at New York, I look at Chicago. I mean you got a really bad governor in Chicago and a bad mayor, but the governor is probably the worst in the country, Pritzker.”
And he didn’t stop there. “I look at how that city has been overrun by criminals and New York and L.A., look at L.A. Those people weren’t from L.A. They weren’t from California most of those people. Many of those people.”
According to Trump, the crime surge isn’t just a local failure—it’s a direct consequence of what he called a border catastrophe under President Biden. “Biden allowed 21 million people to come into our country. Of that, vast numbers of those people were murderers, killers, people from gangs, people from jails. They emptied their jails into the U.S. Most of those people are in the cities.”
“All blue cities. All Democrat-run cities.”
He closed with a vow—one aimed squarely at the ballot box. Trump said he’ll do everything in his power to stop Democrats from using illegal immigration to influence elections.
“They think they’re going to use them to vote. It’s not going to happen.”
Just as the press corps seemed ready for more, Prime Minister Carney stepped in.
The momentum had clearly shifted toward Trump, and Carney recognized it. With a calm smile and hands slightly raised, he moved to wrap things up.
“If you don’t mind, I’m going to exercise my role, if you will, as the G7 Chair,” he said. “Since we have a few more minutes with the president and his team. And then we actually have to start the meeting to address these big issues, so…”
Trump didn’t object. He didn’t have to.
By then, the damage (or the impact) had already been done. He had steered the conversation, dropped one headline after another, and reshaped the narrative before the summit even began.
By the time Carney tried to regain control, it was already too late.
Wherever Trump goes, he doesn’t just attend the event—he becomes the event.
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