Alberta
Alberta government should pay dividends to Albertans from Heritage Fund

From the Fraser Institute
By Tegan Hill and Joel Emes
Despite promising in February to rebuild the Heritage Fund to help eliminate Alberta’s reliance on resource revenue, last month Alberta Premier Danielle Smith said she plans to use income from the fund to “assist in de-risking projects” in the oil and gas sector (in other words, projects that can’t secure financing from private lenders). Clearly, if Alberta has any hope of building up the Heritage Fund, it needs robust fiscal rules to help ensure governments responsibly grow the fund—and don’t raid it for other purposes.
The Lougheed government created Alberta’s Heritage Fund in 1976 to save a share of the province’s resource revenue for the future. Since its creation, however, governments have only contributed resource revenue in 11 out of 48 years of the fund’s existence, and just 3.9 per cent of total resource revenue has been deposited in the fund over its lifetime. Instead, governments have largely spent away onetime resource revenues, contributing to Alberta’s boom-and-bust cycle, rather than saving a share of resource revenue to turn it into a financial asset that can generate steady income over time.
While Premier Smith says she wants to build up the fund so its investment income (i.e. earnings) can eventually replace resource revenue in the budget, the fund’s earnings in 2023/24 are a projected $2.1 billion compared to a projected $19.4 billion in resource revenue. Obviously, Alberta needs a new approach to grow the fund. On this front, it can look to Alaska’s experience with its Permanent Fund, which was also created in 1976 but has grown much larger over time.
Unlike Alberta’s Heritage Fund, Alaska’s fund operates under robust fiscal rules. First, according to Alaska’s constitution, the state government must deposit at least 25 per cent of all mineral revenues into the fund each year. Alberta could introduce a similar constitutional rule.
In addition, a share of the Alaska fund’s earnings are set aside each year to ensure that the principal of the fund is not eroded through inflation. Alaska also prohibits use of the principal without approval by a referendum; the government may only spend the earnings of the fund (minus what’s needed to inflation-proof the principal).
And crucially, there’s the dividends—a topic that would surely pique the interest of many Albertans. In Alaska, the government pays a share of the fund’s earnings to Alaskan citizens via a dividend, which has helped support growth in the fund over the long term. By giving citizens an ownership share in the state’s resource fund, Alaskans recognize their vested interest and demand that the state maximize returns. Put simply, due to the annual dividend, Alaskans want the government to maintain the Permanent Fund’s health. And any government that tried to use the fund for irresponsible purposes would face the ire of Alaskan voters.
Which brings us back to Alberta. If the Smith government began contributing 25 per cent of resource revenue to the Heritage Fund and inflation-proofing the principal this year, it could pay each Albertan a dividend worth between $148 to $297 in 2024/25, equivalent to $594 to $1,187 per family of four. From 2024/25 to 2026/27, each Albertan could receive a total of $571 to $1,108 in dividends, equivalent to $2,284 to $4,430 per family of four. And as the fund grows, so would the dividends.
The Smith government has promised to rebuild the Heritage Fund, yet at the same time wants to use the fund’s earnings to “assist in de-risking” energy projects in the province. Without a mechanism to ensure growth of the fund, it will remain vulnerable to the whims of governments. Alberta should learn from Alaska’s success and start paying annual dividends to Albertans.
Authors:
Alberta
Alberta Premier Danielle Smith Discusses Moving Energy Forward at the Global Energy Show in Calgary

From Energy Now
At the energy conference in Calgary, Alberta Premier Danielle Smith pressed the case for building infrastructure to move provincial products to international markets, via a transportation and energy corridor to British Columbia.
“The anchor tenant for this corridor must be a 42-inch pipeline, moving one million incremental barrels of oil to those global markets. And we can’t stop there,” she told the audience.
The premier reiterated her support for new pipelines north to Grays Bay in Nunavut, east to Churchill, Man., and potentially a new version of Energy East.
The discussion comes as Prime Minister Mark Carney and his government are assembling a list of major projects of national interest to fast-track for approval.
Carney has also pledged to establish a major project review office that would issue decisions within two years, instead of five.
Alberta
Punishing Alberta Oil Production: The Divisive Effect of Policies For Carney’s “Decarbonized Oil”

From Energy Now
By Ron Wallace
The federal government has doubled down on its commitment to “responsibly produced oil and gas”. These terms are apparently carefully crafted to maintain federal policies for Net Zero. These policies include a Canadian emissions cap, tanker bans and a clean electricity mandate.
Following meetings in Saskatoon in early June between Prime Minister Mark Carney and Canadian provincial and territorial leaders, the federal government expressed renewed interest in the completion of new oil pipelines to reduce reliance on oil exports to the USA while providing better access to foreign markets. However Carney, while suggesting that there is “real potential” for such projects nonetheless qualified that support as being limited to projects that would “decarbonize” Canadian oil, apparently those that would employ carbon capture technologies. While the meeting did not result in a final list of potential projects, Alberta Premier Danielle Smith said that this approach would constitute a “grand bargain” whereby new pipelines to increase oil exports could help fund decarbonization efforts. But is that true and what are the implications for the Albertan and Canadian economies?
The federal government has doubled down on its commitment to “responsibly produced oil and gas”. These terms are apparently carefully crafted to maintain federal policies for Net Zero. These policies include a Canadian emissions cap, tanker bans and a clean electricity mandate. Many would consider that Canadians, especially Albertans, should be wary of these largely undefined announcements in which Ottawa proposes solely to determine projects that are “in the national interest.”
The federal government has tabled legislation designed to address these challenges with Bill C-5: An Act to enact the Free Trade and Labour Mobility Act and the Building Canada Act (the One Canadian Economy Act). Rather than replacing controversial, and challenged, legislation like the Impact Assessment Act, the Carney government proposes to add more legislation designed to accelerate and streamline regulatory approvals for energy and infrastructure projects. However, only those projects that Ottawa designates as being in the national interest would be approved. While clearer, shorter regulatory timelines and the restoration of the Major Projects Office are also proposed, Bill C-5 is to be superimposed over a crippling regulatory base.
It remains to be seen if this attempt will restore a much-diminished Canadian Can-Do spirit for economic development by encouraging much-needed, indeed essential interprovincial teamwork across shared jurisdictions. While the Act’s proposed single approval process could provide for expedited review timelines, a complex web of regulatory processes will remain in place requiring much enhanced interagency and interprovincial coordination. Given Canada’s much-diminished record for regulatory and policy clarity will this legislation be enough to persuade the corporate and international capital community to consider Canada as a prime investment destination?
As with all complex matters the devil always lurks in the details. Notably, these federal initiatives arrive at a time when the Carney government is facing ever-more pressing geopolitical, energy security and economic concerns. The Organization for Economic Co-operation and Development predicts that Canada’s economy will grow by a dismal one per cent in 2025 and 1.1 per cent in 2026 – this at a time when the global economy is predicted to grow by 2.9 per cent.
It should come as no surprise that Carney’s recent musing about the “real potential” for decarbonized oil pipelines have sparked debate. The undefined term “decarbonized”, is clearly aimed directly at western Canadian oil production as part of Ottawa’s broader strategy to achieve national emissions commitments using costly carbon capture and storage (CCS) projects whose economic viability at scale has been questioned. What might this mean for western Canadian oil producers?
The Alberta Oil sands presently account for about 58% of Canada’s total oil output. Data from December 2023 show Alberta producing a record 4.53 million barrels per day (MMb/d) as major oil export pipelines including Trans Mountain, Keystone and the Enbridge Mainline operate at high levels of capacity. Meanwhile, in 2023 eastern Canada imported on average about 490,000 barrels of crude oil per day (bpd) at a cost estimated at CAD $19.5 billion. These seaborne shipments to major refineries (like New Brunswick’s Irving Refinery in Saint John) rely on imported oil by tanker with crude oil deliveries to New Brunswick averaging around 263,000 barrels per day. In 2023 the estimated total cost to Canada for imported crude oil was $19.5 billion with oil imports arriving from the United States (72.4%), Nigeria (12.9%), and Saudi Arabia (10.7%). Since 1988, marine terminals along the St. Lawrence have seen imports of foreign oil valued at more than $228 billion while the Irving Oil refinery imported $136 billion from 1988 to 2020.
What are the policy and cost implication of Carney’s call for the “decarbonization” of western Canadian produced, oil? It implies that western Canadian “decarbonized” oil would have to be produced and transported to competitive world markets under a material regulatory and financial burden. Meanwhile, eastern Canadian refiners would be allowed to import oil from the USA and offshore jurisdictions free from any comparable regulatory burdens. This policy would penalize, and makes less competitive, Canadian producers while rewarding offshore sources. A federal regulatory requirement to decarbonize western Canadian crude oil production without imposing similar restrictions on imported oil would render the One Canadian Economy Act moot and create two market realities in Canada – one that favours imports and that discourages, or at very least threatens the competitiveness of, Canadian oil export production.
Ron Wallace is a former Member of the National Energy Board.
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