Business
Finance Minister ducks deficit questions, talks down to critics, and rebrands reckless spending as ‘transparency’.
Liberal Finance Minister : Capital Budgeting or Creative Accounting?
At the fifth meeting of the Standing Committee on Finance (FINA) during the 45th Parliament, Minister of Finance and National Revenue François-Philippe Champagne faced pointed questions from opposition MPs over the Liberal government’s shifting fiscal strategy, the reintroduction of capital budgeting, and the growing perception of evasiveness in public accountability.
Minister Champagne began with prepared remarks, where he unveiled the decision to present Budget 2025 on November 4—a shift in the federal budget cycle from spring to fall. He claimed this new timetable would enhance transparency and predictability, especially for municipalities and provinces that align infrastructure spending with the construction season. Alongside the change in budget timing, he announced a new “capital budgeting framework,” which separates investment from operating expenditures. Champagne argued that this framework would improve clarity on how public funds are used, distinguishing between day-to-day spending and long-term investments.
He tied the new presentation format to broader affordability measures embedded in Bill C-4, which includes a middle-class tax cut affecting an estimated 22 million Canadians, the removal of the GST for first-time homebuyers purchasing new homes up to $1 million, and the elimination of the federal consumer fuel charge. The minister also acknowledged that some disability tax credit recipients had been unintentionally excluded from recent benefit programs, pledging to correct the oversight.
Opposition members, however, were quick to scrutinize both the budget approach and the minister’s refusal to answer direct fiscal questions. Conservative MP Jasraj Singh Hallan opened his questioning at the eight-minute mark by demanding clarity on the government’s fiscal anchors. Champagne responded that the government aims to balance the operating budget within three years while ensuring a declining deficit-to-GDP ratio over that same period. Hallan challenged the credibility of that claim, referencing recent projections by the Parliamentary Budget Officer (PBO) which show deficits are 80 percent higher than initially promised and the national economy is shrinking. He repeatedly asked the minister to reconcile that data with his optimistic projections. Champagne instead pointed to Canada’s AAA credit rating and comparative G7 standing, a response Hallan dismissed as detached from the realities of Canadians struggling with inflation and rising debt.
The conversation quickly grew heated, with Hallan accusing the government of using “accounting tricks” and comparing the capital budgeting move to a failed policy previously attempted by Mark Carney during his tenure in the United Kingdom. Hallan cited the PBO’s own criticism that the framework lacks a precise definition for what constitutes a capital versus an operating expense and warned that the new presentation would not change the fiscal bottom line—debt remains debt. Champagne avoided offering specifics and instead reiterated the virtue of transparency, arguing that Canadians deserve to know where their money is going.
Bloc Québécois MP Jean-Denis Garon took a sharper tone during his six-minute exchange. Garon accused the Liberals of undermining the role of Parliament by shutting out over 200 Quebec organizations from public budget consultations. He claimed the Finance Committee itself was bypassed in the process. He further challenged the minister on internal inconsistency, citing a summer push for 15 percent cuts in departmental budgets followed by a 26 percent increase in the fall supply bill, with some areas ballooning by over 300 percent. Garon bluntly asked the minister whether he had lost control of his department. Champagne responded with a long list of statistics about consultations—57 bilateral meetings, outreach in 26 cities, and nearly 8,700 online responses—but avoided addressing why the Finance Committee and many Quebec stakeholders were excluded.
The most overtly condescending exchange occurred between the minister and Conservative MP Sandra Cobián, who questioned the budget presentation change. Cobián asked why the government was altering how it displays fiscal data rather than cutting reckless spending to actually balance the budget. Champagne dismissed her concerns by pivoting to her voting record and then made a patronizing appeal to “your husband and your family and everyone in your riding,” asserting they deserve more transparency. Cobián rebutted that working Canadians can’t simply reframe their personal finances to make the numbers look better—they either have money or they don’t. When she pushed the minister for a yes-or-no answer on whether the deficit would be higher under this government than it was under Trudeau, Champagne dodged once again, citing the G7 and saying Canadians “look at many numbers.” When she reminded him that numbers don’t change—“it’s black and white”—and mentioned her own financial sector background, Champagne closed with a thinly veiled pat on the head: “That’s why I’m happy you’re on the finance committee… you’re a very smart [person].”
The hearing ended with administrative approvals for committee budgets related to the study of Bill C-4 and the broader budgetary process. Members also requested that the minister table documentation supporting his claim that committee consultations justified the budget cycle change.
While François-Philippe Champagne smugly leaned on Canada’s credit rating and G7 stats like they were magic talismans, what he flatly refused to do was answer the actual question: how much deeper is this government dragging the country into debt? The Finance Minister, with all the polished charm of a career bureaucrat, dodged specifics on deficit numbers like they were radioactive. And when pressed on his new “capital budgeting framework”—a classic shell game move where you don’t fix the spending, you just re-label it—he offered not clarity, but condescension.
Opposition MPs weren’t buying it, and neither should Canadians. Every party in the room, from the Bloc to the Conservatives, smelled the spin. They asked basic, good-faith questions about fiscal responsibility—questions any serious government should welcome. Instead, Champagne waved it all away as confusion, political theatre, or worse, ignorance. In one jaw-dropping moment, he even lectured a Conservative MP about what her husband and family deserve to know, before patting her on the head with a “you’re very smart.”
This is arrogance. And it’s fueling a growing realization across the country: this government isn’t just broke on ideas—it’s morally bankrupt on accountability. The fall budget debate hasn’t even started, and already the mask is slipping.
Automotive
The high price of green virtue
By Jerome Gessaroli for Inside Policy
Reducing transportation emissions is a worthy goal, but policy must be guided by evidence, not ideology.
In the next few years, the average new vehicle in British Columbia could reach $80,000, not because of inflation, but largely because of provincial and federal climate policy. By forcing zero-emission-vehicle (ZEV) targets faster than the market can afford, both governments risk turning climate ambition into an affordability crisis.
EVs are part of the solution, but mandates that outpace market acceptance risk creating real-world challenges, ranging from cold-weather travel to sparse rural charging to the cost and inconvenience for drivers without home charging. As Victoria and Ottawa review their ZEV policies, the goal is to match ambition with evidence.
Introduced in 2019, BC’s mandate was meant to accelerate electrification and cut emissions from light-duty vehicles. In 2023, however, it became far more stringent, setting the most aggressive ZEV targets in North America. What began as a plan to boost ZEV adoption has now become policy orthodoxy. By 2030, automakers must ensure that 90 per cent of new light-duty vehicles sold in BC are zero-emission, regardless of what consumers want or can afford. The evidence suggests this approach is out of step with market realities.
The province isn’t alone in pursuing EV mandates, but its pace is unmatched. British Columbia, Quebec, and the federal government are the only ones in Canada with such rules. BC’s targets rise much faster than California’s, the jurisdiction that usually sets the bar on green-vehicle policy, though all have the same goal of making every new vehicle zero-emission by 2035.
According to Canadian Black Book, 2025 model EVs are about $17,800 more expensive than gas-powered vehicles. However, ever since Ottawa and BC removed EV purchase incentives, sales have fallen and have not yet recovered. Actual demand in BC sits near 16 per cent of new vehicle sales, well below the 26 per cent mandate for 2026. To close that gap, automakers may have to pay steep penalties or cut back on gas-vehicle sales to meet government goals.
The mandate also allows domestic automakers to meet their targets by purchasing credits from companies, such as Tesla, which hold surplus credits, transferring millions of dollars out of the country simply to comply with provincial rules. But even that workaround is not sustainable. As both federal and provincial mandates tighten, credit supplies will shrink and costs will rise, leaving automakers more likely to limit gas-vehicle sales.
It may be climate policy in intent, but in reality, it acts like a luxury tax on mobility. Higher new-vehicle prices are pushing consumers toward used cars, inflating second-hand prices, and keeping older, higher-emitting vehicles on the road longer. Lower-income and rural households are hit hardest, a perverse outcome for a policy meant to reduce emissions.
Infrastructure is another obstacle. Charging-station expansion and grid upgrades remain far behind what is needed to support mass electrification. Estimates suggest powering BC’s future EV fleet alone could require the electricity output of almost two additional Site C dams by 2040. In rural and northern regions, where distances are long and winters are harsh, drivers are understandably reluctant to switch. Beyond infrastructure, changing market and policy conditions now pose additional risks to Canada’s EV goals.
Major automakers have delayed or cancelled new EV models and battery-plant investments. The United States has scaled back or reversed federal and state EV targets and reoriented subsidies toward domestic manufacturing. These shifts are likely to slow EV model availability and investment across North America, pushing both British Columbia and Ottawa to reconsider how realistic their own targets are in more challenging market conditions.
Meanwhile, many Canadians are feeling the strain of record living costs. Recent polling by Abacus Data and Ipsos shows that most Canadians view rising living costs as the country’s most pressing challenge, with many saying the situation is worsening. In that climate, pressing ahead with aggressive mandates despite affordability concerns appears driven more by green ideology than by evidence. Consumers are not rejecting EVs. They are rejecting unrealistic timelines and unaffordable expectations.
Reducing transportation emissions is a worthy goal, but policy must be guided by evidence, not ideology. When targets become detached from real-world conditions, ideology replaces judgment. Pushing too hard risks backlash that can undo the very progress we are trying to achieve.
Neither British Columbia nor the federal government needs to abandon its clean-transportation objectives, but both need to adjust them. That means setting targets that match realistic adoption rates, as EVs become more affordable and capable, and allowing more flexible compliance based on emissions reductions rather than vehicle type. In simple terms, the goal should be cutting emissions, not forcing people to buy a specific type of car. These steps would align ambition with reality and ensure that environmental progress strengthens, rather than undermines, public trust.
With both Ottawa and Victoria reviewing their EV mandates, their next moves will show whether Canadian climate policy is driven by evidence or by ideology. Adjusting targets to reflect real-world affordability and adoption rates would signal pragmatism and strengthen public trust in the country’s clean-energy transition.
Jerome Gessaroli is a senior fellow at the Macdonald-Laurier Institute and leads the Sound Economic Policy Project at the BC Institute of British Columbia
Business
Carney shrugs off debt problem with more borrowing
Ottawa, we’ve got some problems.
The first problem is government debt is spiralling out of control because government spending is spiralling out of control. The second problem is no one within government is taking the first problem seriously.
Prime Minister Mark Carney’s first budget shows Ottawa will borrow about $80 billion this year.
Massive government borrowing means debt interest charges cost taxpayers more than $1 billion every week.
That’s enough money to build a brand-new hospital every week, but that money is going to the bond fund managers on Bay Street to pay interest on the government credit card.
Or think about it this way the next time you’re standing in the check-out line:
Every dollar you pay in federal sales tax goes to pay interest on the debt.
The government’s own non-partisan, independent budget watchdog pulled the fire alarm back in September.
“The current path we’re on in terms of federal debt as the share of the economy is unsustainable,” the Parliamentary Budget Officer said.
Here are other ways the PBO described the government’s financial situation:
Stupefying. Shocking. Something is going to break. Everybody should be concerned.
That’s how the PBO described the situation when he projected the deficit to be $10 billion lower than Carney’s deficit in Budget 2025.
How is Carney responding to Canada’s debt crunch? Instead of acting, Carney is obfuscating.
Instead of balancing the budget, Carney promises to balance the operating budget.
Carney isn’t balancing squat when he continues to borrow tens of billions of dollars every year. The closest Carney is willing to get to a balanced budget is a $57 billion deficit in 2029.
Instead of cutting the debt, Carney is changing the budget guardrails.
Even under the Trudeau government, politicians repeatedly promised to keep the debt as a share of the economy going down.
Carney used a sneaky sleight of hand in Budget 2025 to change that guardrail.
Because Carney’s debt will grow faster than Canada’s economy, he’s changing the previous guardrail of a declining debt-to-GDP ratio to a declining “deficit-to-GDP ratio.”
Carney plans to add $324 billion to the debt by 2030. For comparison, former prime minister Justin Trudeau planned to add $154 billion to the debt over those same years.
Instead of cutting spending, Carney muddies the waters with slogans of “spending less to invest more.”
The Carney government wrote Budget 2025 in a way to try to convince Canadians that it will save about $60 billion over five years.
But the government is spending billions of dollars more every year.
The government will spend $581 billion this year. That’s $38 billion more than the government spent last year. The government will spend $644 billion in 2029.
Does that look like saving money to you?
Even if you want to be as charitable as possible, nearly all the savings Carney promises to find occur in future years.
This should give taxpayers flashbacks of the Trudeau era.
Trudeau initially promised to run “modest” deficits and balance the budget in four years. But Trudeau never balanced the budget, he doubled the debt.
Trudeau promised to find $15 billion in savings. But Trudeau never cut spending, he ballooned the bureaucracy and spent billions more.
Here’s the key lesson: When the government promises to start its diet on Monday, Monday never comes.
The government debt problem is serious.
The government is now wasting more money paying interest on the debt than it sends to provinces in health-care transfers. In 2029, thirteen cents of every dollar the government takes will be used to make debt interest payments.
But instead of acting, Carney is trying to convince Canadians that everything is fine.
Instead of acting, Carney is using slogans and changing budget guardrails to paint a rosier picture of government finances.
Carney needs to change course. Shrugging off the debt won’t make things better. Only urgent action to cut spending will.
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