Censorship Industrial Complex
When Did Traditional Values Become Hate Speech?
From the Frontier Centre for Public Policy
By Lee Harding
This smear campaign misrepresents peaceful dissent as dangerous radicalism, ultimately undermining trust in institutions and eroding civil debate. Ordinary Canadians are being branded as extremists for holding traditional values.
A disturbing trend has taken hold in Canada and across the Western world, where freedom-lovers and conservatives are categorized as extremists and potential terrorists.
Another headline-grabbing example took place on July 8 when RCMP spokeswoman Staff Sgt. Camille Habel told a CBC interviewer about an alleged militia plot to seize land in Quebec. She said if someone “believed in equal gender rights” but suddenly leaned towards “traditional values … that might be a sign that they’re becoming more extremist.”
Alas, some prominent people have gone so far left that traditional values are “far right” to them. Consider a 2021 report by the House of Commons Standing Committee on Public Safety and National Security. The document said “Ideologically motivated violent extremism [IMVE]… represents a societal issue requiring a whole-of-government approach.”
The document warned that since the pandemic, “IMVE activity has been fueled by an increase in extreme anti- authority and anti-government rhetoric often rooted in the weaponization of conspiracy theories. IMVE influencers promote misinformation and action, including violence.”
The report complained that some witnesses to the committee did not embrace the IMVE term, and instead used phrases such as the “far right” or the “far-right ecosystem.” Here, conservatives, conspiracy theorists and potential terrorists are one big, bad blog.
The tactic is old. In 1943, a Communist directive to American activists advised, “When certain obstructionists become too irritating, label them after suitable buildups as fascist or Nazi or anti-semitic, and use the prestige of anti-fascist and tolerance organizations to discredit them. In the public mind, we constantly associate those who oppose us with those names which already have a bad smell. The association will, after enough repetition, become fact in the public mind.”
This misrepresentation worked well against the Freedom Convoy. One mysterious person with a Nazi flag was enough to dismiss thousands of people as dangerous fascists. But spurious judgments like these malign many good people. This leads to misguided opposition against people who want to uphold Canada, not tear it down.
Trans-activists have their own form of name-shaming. They call out TERFs, meaning trans-exclusive radical feminists. These so-called TERFs believe that biological males have no place in women’s shelters, prisons and sports. This kind of disparagement is all too common. In September 2023, Canadian labour leaders and at least one researcher from a major university joined in a Zoom call to strategize against the 1 Million March 4 Children, a nationwide protest against transgender ideology in schools. A leaked video of the Zoom call showed these leaders and activists using terms like “fascist,” “intolerance,” “hate group,” “transphobic” and “homophobic” against parents and other citizens who wanted ideological concepts on gender kept out of school.
Meanwhile, the Canadian Anti-Hate Network (CAHN) blacklisted Campaign Coalition for Life as a “hate movement” after receiving $640,000 from the federal government to compile a list of allegedly hateful organizations and people.
“We define ‘hate-promoting’ to refer to ideologies, groups, movements and individuals which target members of protected groups,” explained the CAHN booklet entitled 40 Ways to Fight the Far-Right; CAHN even hosts a one-hour workshop that lays out “the intersection between hate, the far right, and conspiracy theories.”
This mirrors the United States where the left-leaning Southern Poverty Law Centre (SPLC) first made a list of bad organizations in 1990. Since 2000, the organization has compiled a “hate map” of these groups, which now number 835. As one example, SPLC calls the Family Research Council an “extremist” “hate group” due to their pro-life, pro-traditional marriage stances.
During Barack Obama’s second term as president, the Department of Defense (DoD) incorporated SPLC assessments into its training on domestic terrorism, leading to undue smears. In 2013, a DoD training presentation at Fort Hood, Texas, listed “Evangelical Christianity,” “Catholicism” and “Tea Party” as fostering extremism. In 2014, soldiers at Fort Bragg in North Carolina were told similar things about pro-gun and pro-life organizations.
In 2015, watchdog organization Judicial Watch openly called on the DoD to stop relying on the “anti-Christian” SPLC for its definitions, saying the group itself was hateful.
A teaching module presented to 9,100 soldiers at Fort Liberty through 2024 labelled National Right to Life and Operation Rescue as potential terrorist threats. Congressional Republicans protested this politicization of military training. In response, an army spokesperson echoed disclaimers made 10 years ago, saying the slides were not policy and were improperly vetted.
In July 2025, Army Secretary Dan Driscoll called it a “grievous error” to equate conservative groups with terrorists and vowed it would never happen again. Unfortunately, Canadians have no such assurances.
Lee Harding is a research fellow with the Frontier Centre for Public Policy.
Censorship Industrial Complex
EU’s “Democracy Shield” Centralizes Control Over Online Speech
Presented as a defense of democracy, the plan reads more like the architecture of a managed reality.
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European authorities have finally unveiled the “European Democracy Shield,” we’ve been warning about for some time, a major initiative that consolidates and broadens existing programs of the European Commission to monitor and restrict digital information flows.
Though branded as a safeguard against “foreign information manipulation and interference (FIMI)” and “disinformation,” the initiative effectively gives EU institutions unprecedented authority over the online public sphere.
At its core, the framework fuses a variety of mechanisms into a single structure, from AI-driven content detection and regulation of social media influencers to a state-endorsed web of “fact-checkers.”
The presentation speaks of defending democracy, yet the design reveals a machinery oriented toward centralized control of speech, identity, and data.
One of the more alarming integrations links the EU’s Digital Identity program with content filtering and labelling systems.
The Commission has announced plans to “explore possible further measures with the Code’s signatories,” including “detection and labelling of AI-generated and manipulated content circulating on social media services” and “voluntary user-verification tools.”
Officials describe the EU Digital Identity (EUDI) Wallet as a means for “secure identification and authentication.”
In real terms, tying verified identity to online activity risks normalizing surveillance and making anonymity in expression a thing of the past.
The Democracy Shield also includes the creation of a “European Centre for Democratic Resilience,” led by Justice Commissioner Michael McGrath.
Framed as a voluntary coordination hub, its mission is “building capacities to withstand foreign information manipulation and interference (FIMI) and disinformation,” involving EU institutions, Member States, and “neighboring countries and like-minded partners.”
The Centre’s “Stakeholder Platform” is to unite “trusted stakeholders such as civil society organizations, researchers and academia, fact-checkers and media providers.”
In practice, this structure ties policymaking, activism, and media oversight into one cooperative network, eroding the boundaries between government power and public discourse.
Financial incentives reinforce the system. A “European Network of Fact-Checkers” will be funded through EU channels, positioned as independent yet operating within the same institutional framework that sets the rules.
The network will coordinate “fact-checking” in every EU language, maintain a central database of verdicts, and introduce “a protection scheme for fact-checkers in the EU against threats and harassment.”
Such an arrangement destroys the line between independent verification and state-aligned narrative enforcement.
The Commission will also fund a “common research support framework,” giving select researchers privileged access to non-public platform data via the
Digital Services Act (DSA) and Political Advertising Regulation.
Officially, this aims to aid academic research, but it could also allow state-linked analysts to map, classify, and suppress online viewpoints deemed undesirable.
Plans extend further into media law. The European Commission intends to revisit the Audiovisual Media Services Directive (AVMSD) to ensure “viewers – particularly younger ones – are adequately protected when they consume audiovisual content online.”
While framed around youth protection, such language opens the door to broad filtering and regulation of online media.
Another initiative seeks to enlist digital personalities through a “voluntary network of influencers to raise awareness about relevant EU rules, including the DSA.” Brussels will “consider the role of influencers” during its upcoming AVMSD review.
Though presented as transparent outreach, the move effectively turns social media figures into de facto promoters of official EU messaging, reshaping public conversation under the guise of awareness.
The Shield also introduces a “Digital Services Act incidents and crisis protocol” between the EU and signatories of the Code of Practice on Disinformation to “facilitate coordination among relevant authorities and ensure swift reactions to large-scale and potentially transnational information operations.”
This could enable coordinated suppression of narratives across borders. Large platforms exceeding 45 million EU users face compliance audits, with penalties reaching 6% of global revenue or even platform bans, making voluntary cooperation more symbolic than real.
A further layer comes with the forthcoming “Blueprint for countering FIMI and disinformation,” offering governments standardized guidance to “anticipate, detect and respond” to perceived information threats. Such protocols risk transforming free expression into a regulated domain managed under preemptive suspicion.
Existing structures are being fortified, too. The European Digital Media Observatory (EDMO), already central to “disinformation” monitoring, will receive expanded authority for election and crisis surveillance. This effectively deepens the fusion of state oversight and online communication control.
Funding through the “Media Resilience Programme” will channel EU resources to preferred outlets, while regulators examine ways to “strengthen the prominence of media services of general interest.”
This includes “impact investments in the news media sector” and efforts to build transnational platforms promoting mainstream narratives. Though described as supporting “independent and local journalism,” the model risks reinforcing state-aligned voices while sidelining dissenting ones.
Education and culture are not exempt. The Commission plans “Guidelines for teachers and educators on tackling disinformation and promoting digital literacy through education and training,” along with new “media literacy” programs and an “independent network for media literacy.”
While such initiatives appear benign, they often operate on the assumption that government-approved information is inherently trustworthy, conditioning future generations to equate official consensus with truth.
Viewed as a whole, the European Democracy Shield represents a major institutional step toward centralized narrative management in the European Union.
Under the language of “protection,” Brussels is constructing a comprehensive apparatus for monitoring and shaping the flow of information.
For a continent that once defined itself through open debate and free thought, this growing web of bureaucratic control signals a troubling shift.
Efforts framed as defense against disinformation now risk becoming tools for suppressing dissent, a paradox that may leave European democracy less free in the name of making it “safe.”
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Censorship Industrial Complex
School Cannot Force Students To Use Preferred Pronouns, US Federal Court Rules

From the Daily Caller News Foundation
“Our system forbids public schools from becoming ‘enclaves of totalitarianism.’”
A federal appeals court in Ohio ruled Thursday that students cannot be forced to use preferred pronouns in school.
Defending Education (DE) filed the suit against Olentangy Local School District (OLSD) in 2023, arguing the district’s anti-harassment policy that requires students to use the “preferred pronouns” of others violates students’ First Amendment rights by “compelling students to affirm beliefs about sex and gender that are contrary to their own deeply held beliefs.” Although a lower court attempted to shoot down the challenge, the appeals court ruled in a 10-7 decision that the school cannot “wield their authority to compel speech or demand silence from citizens who disagree with the regulators’ politically controversial preferred new form of grammar.”
Because the school considers transgender students to be a protected class, students who violated the anti-harassment policy by referring to such students by their biological sex risked punishments such as suspension and expulsion, according to DE.
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“American history and tradition uphold the majority’s decision to strike down the school’s pronoun policy,” the court wrote in its opinion. “Over hundreds of years, grammar has developed in America without governmental interference. Consistent with our historical tradition and our cherished First Amendment, the pronoun debate must be won through individual persuasion, not government coercion. Our system forbids public schools from becoming ‘enclaves of totalitarianism.’”
OLSD did not respond to the Daily Caller News Foundation’s request for comment.
“We are deeply gratified by the Sixth Circuit’s intensive analysis not only of our case but the state of student First Amendment rights in the modern era,” Nicole Neily, founder and president of DE, said in a statement. “The court’s decision – and its many concurrences – articulate the importance of free speech, the limits and perils of public schools claiming to act in loco parentis, and the critical role of persuasion – rather than coercion – in America’s public square.”
“Despite its ham-fisted attempt to moot the case, Olentangy School District was sternly reminded by the 6th circuit en banc court that it cannot force students to express a viewpoint on gender identity with which they disagree, nor extend its reach beyond the schoolhouse threshold into matters better suited to an exercise of parental authority,” Sarah Parshall Perry, vice president and legal fellow at DE, said in a statement. “A resounding victory for student speech and parental rights was long overdue for families in the school district and we are thrilled the court’s ruling will benefit others seeking to vindicate their rights in the classroom and beyond.”
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