Business
Mamdani’s socialist grocery store would fail New Yorkers
From the Fraser Institute
By Matthew D. Mitchell and Steven Globerman
New York City mayoral candidate Zohran Mamdani, a member of the Democratic Socialists of America, proposes socializing the city’s grocery stores. If you think this is some trailblazing experiment, think again.
In September 1989, Boris Yeltsin, then a member of the Supreme Soviet, toured a Houston grocery store. He was stunned by the variety of fresh fruits, vegetables and meats. The cornucopia of low-cost healthy options surpassed anything in the special stores he and other party elite frequented. Yeltsin knew it was nothing that ordinary Soviet citizens, long barred from the elite stores, had ever seen.
His biographer reports that afterward, Yeltsin sat motionless, head buried in his hands. Back in Moscow, he declared, “I think we have committed a crime against our people by making their standard of living so incomparably lower than that of the Americans.”
Two years later, Yeltsin became the first freely elected leader of Russia. A few months after that, Mamdani was born. Like so many socialists before him, he must earnestly believe that the government can meet the needs of citizens better than the private sector. On this, he is wrong.
Everywhere socialism—government-run economic activity—has been tried, it’s failed to meet the people’s needs. We recently helped profile these failed experiments in a series of books on the realities of socialism published by the Fraser Institute. Socialist economies are terribly wasteful. Socialist Poland used three times as much steel as the United States for every dollar of output it produced. And it produced very little—in 1985, the typical Pole managed to make just 27 per cent as much as the typical American, as measured by GDP per person.
Although socialist industries produced little of value, they ravaged their environments with water, soil and air pollution far in excess of those in capitalist economies. A 1991 Washington Post article said of Warsaw’s tap water: “It spurts yellowish-brown from the tap, laced with heavy metals, coal mine salts and organic carcinogens. It stains the sink, tastes soapy and smells like a wet sock that has been fished out of a heavily chlorinated swimming pool.”
Socialists also wasted human resources. Poles worked 18 times as long as capitalist West Germans to buy one kilogram of coffee, 13 times as long for a TV, 11 times as long for a bottle of wine, and nine times as long for a car. During the 1980s, 7 per cent of Poles had telephones, and 11 per cent owned cars. The typical Pole waited 15 to 30 years to get a house.
When anthropologist Sigrid Rausing visited Estonia in 1991, she found TVs that wouldn’t work, cars that wouldn’t start, phone lines that dropped calls, and dilapidated buildings everywhere. Locals told her to avoid tap water, but when she drank a bottle of sparkling water, she swallowed bits of crumbling glass.
Planners poured millions into military and space programs but missed what any functioning market would have told them. Croatian journalist Slavenka Drakulić explained to a Western audience that “I have just come from Bulgaria, and believe me, women there don’t have either napkins or Tampaxes—they never had them, in fact. Nor do women in Poland, or Czechoslovakia, much less in the Soviet Union or Romania. This I hold as one of the proofs of why communism failed, because in the 70 years of its existence, it couldn’t fulfil the basic needs of half of the population.”
Modern socialists like to say we’ve yet to see “true” or “pure” socialism. The “purer” the actual experiments, the worse things were. Vladimir Lenin’s early attempt at “pure communism” was, in the words of economist Jack Hirshleifer, “the most extreme effort in modern times to do away with the system of private property and voluntary exchange.”
It was a disaster. Total economic output declined by 70 per cent in eight years. Historian William Chamberlin called it “one of the greatest and most overwhelming failures in history.” When Lenin backed off, incomes began to inch back up.
After the Soviet Union’s 1991 collapse, some Eastern Bloc countries embraced freedom quicker than others. Those such as Poland and Estonia, which permitted citizens to start and run businesses, to acquire and use property and to exchange with others on mutually agreeable terms, fared much better than those that went slower. The Polish standard of living is now quickly closing in on that of the United Kingdom. Estonians are not only leaders in economic freedom, but also in personal freedom.
If Mamdani is serious about helping New Yorkers, he should make New York more like the Estonia of 2025 than the Soviet Union of the 1980s.
Automotive
The high price of green virtue
By Jerome Gessaroli for Inside Policy
Reducing transportation emissions is a worthy goal, but policy must be guided by evidence, not ideology.
In the next few years, the average new vehicle in British Columbia could reach $80,000, not because of inflation, but largely because of provincial and federal climate policy. By forcing zero-emission-vehicle (ZEV) targets faster than the market can afford, both governments risk turning climate ambition into an affordability crisis.
EVs are part of the solution, but mandates that outpace market acceptance risk creating real-world challenges, ranging from cold-weather travel to sparse rural charging to the cost and inconvenience for drivers without home charging. As Victoria and Ottawa review their ZEV policies, the goal is to match ambition with evidence.
Introduced in 2019, BC’s mandate was meant to accelerate electrification and cut emissions from light-duty vehicles. In 2023, however, it became far more stringent, setting the most aggressive ZEV targets in North America. What began as a plan to boost ZEV adoption has now become policy orthodoxy. By 2030, automakers must ensure that 90 per cent of new light-duty vehicles sold in BC are zero-emission, regardless of what consumers want or can afford. The evidence suggests this approach is out of step with market realities.
The province isn’t alone in pursuing EV mandates, but its pace is unmatched. British Columbia, Quebec, and the federal government are the only ones in Canada with such rules. BC’s targets rise much faster than California’s, the jurisdiction that usually sets the bar on green-vehicle policy, though all have the same goal of making every new vehicle zero-emission by 2035.
According to Canadian Black Book, 2025 model EVs are about $17,800 more expensive than gas-powered vehicles. However, ever since Ottawa and BC removed EV purchase incentives, sales have fallen and have not yet recovered. Actual demand in BC sits near 16 per cent of new vehicle sales, well below the 26 per cent mandate for 2026. To close that gap, automakers may have to pay steep penalties or cut back on gas-vehicle sales to meet government goals.
The mandate also allows domestic automakers to meet their targets by purchasing credits from companies, such as Tesla, which hold surplus credits, transferring millions of dollars out of the country simply to comply with provincial rules. But even that workaround is not sustainable. As both federal and provincial mandates tighten, credit supplies will shrink and costs will rise, leaving automakers more likely to limit gas-vehicle sales.
It may be climate policy in intent, but in reality, it acts like a luxury tax on mobility. Higher new-vehicle prices are pushing consumers toward used cars, inflating second-hand prices, and keeping older, higher-emitting vehicles on the road longer. Lower-income and rural households are hit hardest, a perverse outcome for a policy meant to reduce emissions.
Infrastructure is another obstacle. Charging-station expansion and grid upgrades remain far behind what is needed to support mass electrification. Estimates suggest powering BC’s future EV fleet alone could require the electricity output of almost two additional Site C dams by 2040. In rural and northern regions, where distances are long and winters are harsh, drivers are understandably reluctant to switch. Beyond infrastructure, changing market and policy conditions now pose additional risks to Canada’s EV goals.
Major automakers have delayed or cancelled new EV models and battery-plant investments. The United States has scaled back or reversed federal and state EV targets and reoriented subsidies toward domestic manufacturing. These shifts are likely to slow EV model availability and investment across North America, pushing both British Columbia and Ottawa to reconsider how realistic their own targets are in more challenging market conditions.
Meanwhile, many Canadians are feeling the strain of record living costs. Recent polling by Abacus Data and Ipsos shows that most Canadians view rising living costs as the country’s most pressing challenge, with many saying the situation is worsening. In that climate, pressing ahead with aggressive mandates despite affordability concerns appears driven more by green ideology than by evidence. Consumers are not rejecting EVs. They are rejecting unrealistic timelines and unaffordable expectations.
Reducing transportation emissions is a worthy goal, but policy must be guided by evidence, not ideology. When targets become detached from real-world conditions, ideology replaces judgment. Pushing too hard risks backlash that can undo the very progress we are trying to achieve.
Neither British Columbia nor the federal government needs to abandon its clean-transportation objectives, but both need to adjust them. That means setting targets that match realistic adoption rates, as EVs become more affordable and capable, and allowing more flexible compliance based on emissions reductions rather than vehicle type. In simple terms, the goal should be cutting emissions, not forcing people to buy a specific type of car. These steps would align ambition with reality and ensure that environmental progress strengthens, rather than undermines, public trust.
With both Ottawa and Victoria reviewing their EV mandates, their next moves will show whether Canadian climate policy is driven by evidence or by ideology. Adjusting targets to reflect real-world affordability and adoption rates would signal pragmatism and strengthen public trust in the country’s clean-energy transition.
Jerome Gessaroli is a senior fellow at the Macdonald-Laurier Institute and leads the Sound Economic Policy Project at the BC Institute of British Columbia
Business
Carney shrugs off debt problem with more borrowing
Ottawa, we’ve got some problems.
The first problem is government debt is spiralling out of control because government spending is spiralling out of control. The second problem is no one within government is taking the first problem seriously.
Prime Minister Mark Carney’s first budget shows Ottawa will borrow about $80 billion this year.
Massive government borrowing means debt interest charges cost taxpayers more than $1 billion every week.
That’s enough money to build a brand-new hospital every week, but that money is going to the bond fund managers on Bay Street to pay interest on the government credit card.
Or think about it this way the next time you’re standing in the check-out line:
Every dollar you pay in federal sales tax goes to pay interest on the debt.
The government’s own non-partisan, independent budget watchdog pulled the fire alarm back in September.
“The current path we’re on in terms of federal debt as the share of the economy is unsustainable,” the Parliamentary Budget Officer said.
Here are other ways the PBO described the government’s financial situation:
Stupefying. Shocking. Something is going to break. Everybody should be concerned.
That’s how the PBO described the situation when he projected the deficit to be $10 billion lower than Carney’s deficit in Budget 2025.
How is Carney responding to Canada’s debt crunch? Instead of acting, Carney is obfuscating.
Instead of balancing the budget, Carney promises to balance the operating budget.
Carney isn’t balancing squat when he continues to borrow tens of billions of dollars every year. The closest Carney is willing to get to a balanced budget is a $57 billion deficit in 2029.
Instead of cutting the debt, Carney is changing the budget guardrails.
Even under the Trudeau government, politicians repeatedly promised to keep the debt as a share of the economy going down.
Carney used a sneaky sleight of hand in Budget 2025 to change that guardrail.
Because Carney’s debt will grow faster than Canada’s economy, he’s changing the previous guardrail of a declining debt-to-GDP ratio to a declining “deficit-to-GDP ratio.”
Carney plans to add $324 billion to the debt by 2030. For comparison, former prime minister Justin Trudeau planned to add $154 billion to the debt over those same years.
Instead of cutting spending, Carney muddies the waters with slogans of “spending less to invest more.”
The Carney government wrote Budget 2025 in a way to try to convince Canadians that it will save about $60 billion over five years.
But the government is spending billions of dollars more every year.
The government will spend $581 billion this year. That’s $38 billion more than the government spent last year. The government will spend $644 billion in 2029.
Does that look like saving money to you?
Even if you want to be as charitable as possible, nearly all the savings Carney promises to find occur in future years.
This should give taxpayers flashbacks of the Trudeau era.
Trudeau initially promised to run “modest” deficits and balance the budget in four years. But Trudeau never balanced the budget, he doubled the debt.
Trudeau promised to find $15 billion in savings. But Trudeau never cut spending, he ballooned the bureaucracy and spent billions more.
Here’s the key lesson: When the government promises to start its diet on Monday, Monday never comes.
The government debt problem is serious.
The government is now wasting more money paying interest on the debt than it sends to provinces in health-care transfers. In 2029, thirteen cents of every dollar the government takes will be used to make debt interest payments.
But instead of acting, Carney is trying to convince Canadians that everything is fine.
Instead of acting, Carney is using slogans and changing budget guardrails to paint a rosier picture of government finances.
Carney needs to change course. Shrugging off the debt won’t make things better. Only urgent action to cut spending will.
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