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Independent Media “The Free Press” hits 1 Million subscibers

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Free Press founder Bari Weiss interviews Peter Thiel
By Bari Weiss

The rise of The Free Press happened simply and honestly: story by story.

Christmas and Hanukkah celebrate otherworldly miracles. But this Chrismukkah—the holidays fell on the same day this year—we at The Free Press added a miracle of an entirely human kind. We reached one million subscribers.

Grateful—and hopeful—doesn’t begin to cover it.

I have been beaming since Wednesday morning, when I refreshed my screen and got the good news in Nellie’s childhood home. (We captured the moment; this was before I cried.) Mostly I’m pinching myself, thinking back to how this all began, and wondering how we got here.

The easy answer would be: Americans’ faith in the legacy press has collapsed, with curious and independent-minded readers unsubscribing from The New York Times, pausing their donations to NPR, and searching for trustworthy alternatives.

And that’s certainly part of what happened. It was definitely the beginning.

But we quickly discovered that you can’t build something new—or certainly not something lasting—based only on rejecting the old. You have to build something people value. Something people need.

At The Free Press, that something is the truth—the only goal of real journalism. That’s what we’ve run hard and fast toward. From day one, we’ve had a single guiding principle: Pursue the truth and tell it plainly. No shortcuts. No exceptions.

From day one, we’ve been reporting stories the legacy media was scared to touch or had overlooked as a result of its incuriousness, politesse, or entrenched interests. We’ve aimed to pair the political freedom of the new world with the professed standards of the old. And because we’ve been a subscription business from the start, we’ve been liberated from the need to please advertisers or get clicks. That’s allowed us to do ambitious journalism, driven by a desire to bring our readers great work that informs them about the world as it is.

We’ve done all this very lean. We don’t have hordes of consultants, mammoth business teams, or special strategies for ranking on social media or Google. Until a few weeks ago, we didn’t even have a metered paywall, let alone a product manager.

And when I say we—I don’t just mean our editorial team, which is the hardest working in the industry. I mean all of us. All one million, especially those who have been here from our earliest days.

Back then, honestly, a paid subscription didn’t get you anything so different from a free one. Now we’ve expanded to offer a whole fleet of content and events and podcasts. Soon, we’ll have even more. But our early subscribers didn’t sign up when we had any of that. They believed deeply in the mission, and that belief allowed us to grow.

In other words: there were no fancy tricks. The rise of The Free Press happened simply: story by story. Podcast by podcast. Debate by debate. Video by video. Interview by interview. And subscription by subscription.

As I’ve told our newsroom on more than one occasion: There is no secret business—no gaming or cooking app, for now at least. The business is the stories we tell. If a story is excellent, if it tells our readers something new, something revelatory, if it explains something in a new way, if it deepens trust, we will grow. If it doesn’t do these things, we won’t. Our readers are discerning: They love and reward quality.

This is all a way of saying: We reached this milestone because of you.

The Free Press began as a question I asked myself after resigning from The New York Times, scratching my head at what I saw there. Is there still a market for real journalism? For fearless, fair, independent journalism that treats readers like adults? Journalism that presents the facts—even the uncomfortable ones—and allows people to draw their own conclusions?

The answer, it turns out, is a resounding yes.

That “yes” from one million of you—and counting—has given me hope not just for journalism but for the future.

So here’s to you, the first million members of the Free Press community. Here’s to the next million. And most important of all: Here’s to the next story.

In honor of this milestone, we’re offering a 25% discount to become a paying member of our community. If you’re a free subscriber, there’s never been a better time to upgrade. We’re keeping this sale on annual subscriptions going until midnight ET on December 31, 2024, because we want many, many more of you to join us, officially, in 2025.

If the price—less than $80 a year—is prohibitive, please write to us: [email protected] and put “subscription help” in the subject line.

Technically my assignment for today was to choose my favorite stories of 2024. All week long we’ve been recommending the best of The Free Press. Today was my day. Honestly, I found it an impossible task. But if you’re still wondering what makes The Free Press tick, or if it’s worth supporting our work by becoming a paid subscriber, allow me to recommend . . .

1. Uri Berliner would never describe himself as brave, but I will. His bombshell essay, “I’ve Been at NPR for 25 Years. Here’s How We Lost America’s Trust.,” captured how the public radio network lost its way—and shaped conversation for months. If you want to understand why The Free Press is an urgent project, read this.

2. One of the best things to happen to The Free Press this year was my friend Niall Ferguson joining us as a columnist. Start with his inaugural and provocative essay, “We’re All Soviets Now.”

3. Abigail Shrier is one of the most important reporters working today. We were thrilled that she officially joined as a contributing editor this year. Her recent investigation—“The Kindergarten Intifada”—exposes a widespread, pernicious campaign in American public schools to indoctrinate children against Israel.

4. Free Press columnist Coleman Hughes is a generational talent: cool-headed, hyper-rational even as he touches the hottest subjects in our politics and culture. His review essay of Ta-Nehisi Coates’s new book, The Message, is definitive: “The Fantasy World of Ta-Nehisi Coates.”

5. In “They’re Black Democrats. And They’re Suing Chicago Over Migrants,” our reporter Olivia Reingold reminded Americans that you can never, ever make assumptions about what any cohort of voters thinks or believes.

6. And in “I’m 28. And I’m Scheduled to Die in May,” Rupa Subramanya illustrated, in harrowing detail, why a mentally ill person would end her own life in a country where death is seen as a cure.

7. Douglas Murray’s Sunday column, “Things Worth Remembering,” is a weekly jewel. I particularly loved this one, about what makes a great conversationalist: “Conversation Is an Art.”

8. Maddy Kearns’s story on British citizens getting arrested for silently praying was one of the most troubling dispatches I’ve read on the perilous state of free expression in the West: “She Was Arrested for Praying in Her Head.”

9. Not only does she deliver TGIF every week, but Nellie Bowles somehow managed to write a book this year. This excerpt—“The Day I Stopped Canceling People”—is a deeply personal account of going along with the crowd before realizing other things, like love, are more important than fitting in.

10. The Free Press decamped to Israel earlier this year to report from the ground. But our man in Jerusalem, since the start of the war, had been Matti Friedman. Don’t miss his piece “Why I Got a Gun,” a sobering tale of how terror transformed a family.

Beyond the Best of The Free Press, here’s what summed up my 2024. . .

Best thing I read this year: The World of Yesterday by Stefan Zweig.

Best thing I watched: Ratatouille! This is the first—and only—movie our daughter has seen. We watch it in 10-minute increments, so I don’t yet know how it ends. Highly recommend the movie—and this methodology.

Best thing I heard: Beyonce’s Cowboy Carter. And I don’t know if this quite qualifies, but I’m also going with the Roast of Tom Brady. Cultural glasnost, brought to you by Netflix. The beginning of the great un-freezing.

Best thing I bought: These $45 jeans from Amazon. Are they flattering? Absolutely not. But you will not find more comfortable pants.

Best thing I ate: This Alison Roman recipe, which I make in a tagine, never fails. Also: Courage Bagels in LA are worth the wait.

Biggest regret of the year: Not pausing to celebrate wins. And every bedtime I missed because of work. Resolutions, both.

Best thing that happened: The birth of our gorgeous (enormous) son in July.

New Year’s resolution: Become a Pilates mom.

What I am most looking forward to in 2025: Building The Free Press—and spending time with the talented, tireless people I get to build it alongside.

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Business

RFK Jr. planning new restrictions on drug advertising: report

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Quick Hit:

The Trump administration is reportedly weighing new restrictions on pharmaceutical ads—an effort long backed by Health Secretary Robert F. Kennedy Jr. Proposals include stricter disclosure rules and ending tax breaks.

Key Details:

  • Two key proposals under review: requiring longer side-effect disclosures in TV ads and removing pharma’s tax deduction for ad spending.

  • In 2024, drug companies spent $10.8 billion on direct-to-consumer ads, with AbbVie and Pfizer among the top spenders.

  • RFK Jr. and HHS officials say the goal is to restore “rigorous oversight” over drug promotions, though no final decision has been made.

Diving Deeper:

According to a Bloomberg report, the Trump administration is advancing plans to rein in direct-to-consumer pharmaceutical advertising—a practice legal only in the U.S. and New Zealand. Rather than banning the ads outright, which could lead to lawsuits, officials are eyeing legal and financial hurdles to limit their spread. These include mandating extended disclosures of side effects and ending tax deductions for ad spending—two measures that could severely limit ad volume, especially on TV.

Health and Human Services Secretary Robert F. Kennedy Jr., who has long called for tougher restrictions on drug marketing, is closely aligned with the effort. “We are exploring ways to restore more rigorous oversight and improve the quality of information presented to American consumers,” said HHS spokesman Andrew Nixon in a written statement. Kennedy himself told Sen. Josh Hawley in May that an announcement on tax policy changes could come “within the next few weeks.”

The ad market at stake is enormous. Drugmakers spent $10.8 billion last year promoting treatments directly to consumers, per data from MediaRadar. AbbVie led the pack, shelling out $2 billion—largely to market its anti-inflammatory drugs Skyrizi and Rinvoq, which alone earned the company over $5 billion in Q1 of 2025.

AbbVie’s chief commercial officer Jeff Stewart admitted during a May conference that new restrictions could force the company to “pivot,” possibly by shifting marketing toward disease awareness campaigns or digital platforms.

Pharma’s deep roots in broadcast advertising—making up 59% of its ad spend in 2024—suggest the impact could be dramatic. That shift would mark a reversal of policy changes made in 1997, when the FDA relaxed requirements for side-effect disclosures, opening the floodgates for modern TV drug commercials.

Supporters of stricter oversight argue that U.S. drug consumption is inflated because of these ads, while critics warn of economic consequences. Jim Potter of the Coalition for Healthcare Communication noted that reinstating tougher ad rules could make broadcast placements “impractical.” Harvard professor Meredith Rosenthal agreed, adding that while ads sometimes encourage patients to seek care, they can also push costly brand-name drugs over generics.

Beyond disclosure rules, the administration is considering changes to the tax code—specifically eliminating the industry’s ability to write off advertising as a business expense. This idea was floated during talks over Trump’s original tax reform but was ultimately dropped from the final bill.

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International

Judiciary explores accountability options over Biden decline ‘coverup’

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Former President Joe Biden salutes the departure party before boarding Special Air Mission 46 at Joint Base Andrews, Md., Jan. 20, 2025. 

From The Center Square

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No obvious solutions emerged during a congressional hearing Wednesday on how to hold those accountable for the alleged cover-up of President Joe Biden’s mental and cognitive decline, but witnesses had some suggestions for how to prevent similar situations in the future.

Republicans have been adamant for some time that Democratic lawmakers, the prior administration, the legacy media and those closest to Biden conspired to hide the former president’s mental and cognitive decline from the American people. More recently, allegations have surfaced that some of Biden’s staff or potentially others may have used an autopen – a machine that can replicate signatures – to sign official documents for Biden without his knowledge or consent.

From the Senate Judiciary Committee hearing on June 18th, 2025

Wednesday’s witnesses agreed that further investigation needs to be done into these questions. Republicans also explored what can be done after the fact and how to prevent similar events from happening in the future. The Senate Judiciary Committee’s hearing into those questions Wednesday’s boycotted by all but one Democrat.

Republicans didn’t miss the opportunity to call them out for it. U.S. Sen. Eric Schmitt, R-MO, said Democrats’ absence and their failure to call any witnesses to testify was “deeply disappointing” but “not surprising.”

“Their absence speaks volumes – an implicit admission that the truth is too inconvenient to face,” Schmitt said. “This de facto boycott is not just a refusal to participate. It’s a refusal to serve the American people who deserve answers about who was truly leading their government.”

From the Senate Judiciary Committee hearing on June 18th, 2025

Much of the hearing’s discussion revolved around proper uses of the autopen, which witnesses testified can only be rightfully used when the president specifically delegates its use to the user. The committee also discussed Section 4 of the 25th Amendment to the Constitution, which talks about succession in the case of a president becoming unfit or unable to fulfill the role. The amendment authorizes the vice president and a majority of the president’s cabinet to declare the president unfit, though that declaration has to be validated by a vote from Congress in order to have any effect.

What’s missing, however, is a clear manner of recourse for lawmakers or the public if those around the president fail to act despite plain signs he is incapable of holding office. Republicans wanted to know what they could do to prevent the alleged conspiracy from simply fading into history without consequences for any involved.

“As a government, it is imperative that we have clear contingency plans when emergency strikes, and yes, it is an emergency when we have a sitting president who is unable to discharge the duties of that office,” said U.S. Sen. John Cornyn, R-TX.

He asked witness Theo Wold, a visiting fellow for law and technology policy with The Heritage Foundation and who worked in the previous Trump administration, if any criminal statutes could be applied to those who are found to have participated in the alleged cover-up.

“In this case, some have suggested that there may be potential crimes committed by members of the Cabinet for failing to act basically, suborning perjury, forging, forging government documents, impersonating a federal officer, making false statements, conspiracy to defraud the United States, obstruction of justice, wire or mail fraud…  Do you think there’s any application of any of those criminal statutes to the circumstances of the Biden presidency?” Cornyn asked.

“There very well could be,” Wold said, but he added that it would be “a question for a prosecutor to take up in their discretion.”

While witnesses agreed that anyone participating in a cover-up should be held accountable, the solutions for doing so weren’t as clear as recommendations for how to prevent similar situations in the future.

John Harrison, James Madison Distinguished Professor of Law at the University of Virginia, didn’t see an obvious method of redress for what already happened but suggested that Congress perhaps require greater documentation of presidential actions going forward.

Wold provided additional suggestions, such as a revival of discussion around “other guardrails” that can be imposed on the 25th Amendment. There was lively debate toward the end of Ronald Reagan’s presidency about adding a mental health professional to the White House medical team or “whether the surgeon general should oversee the inclusion of medical reporting as part of… the 25th Amendment,” according to Wold. But he said there hadn’t been serious discussion since on how to improve the amendment. He also agreed with Sen. Katie Britt, R-AL, that some of the terms in the amendment, like “unable,” should be more clearly defined.

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