Alberta
Canmore attempting to tax its way out of housing crisis

From the Fraser Institute
By Jake Fuss and Austin Thompson
Taxing part-time residency is no substitute for genuine housing reform, and may in fact deter investment in new housing.
A recent court decision has cleared the way for Canmore next year to impose a new “Livability Tax”—a 0.4 per cent property tax surcharge for homes left unoccupied for more than half the year. Mayor Sean Krausert called the ruling a “big win for Canmore.” But without addressing the root cause of Canmore’s housing shortage—too few new homes being built—this new tax is simply a costly distraction.
Canmore is not alone in taxing housing that is supposedly underused. Vancouver, Toronto, Ottawa and the federal government have imposed similar taxes. According to proponents, these taxes encourage part-time residents to sell or rent their properties to full-time residents. However, the evidence for this is underwhelming.
A study of Vancouver’s Empty Homes Tax found that it shifted 5,355 homes from part- to full-time residency between 2016 and 2021. While that may seem like progress, during the same five-year period construction started on more than 240,000 new homes. And despite the tax, home prices and rents continued to rise significantly. Again, because new housing construction has not kept pace with population growth, partly due to policies that discourage homebuilding such as high municipal fees, long permit approval wait times, and restrictive rules on what can be built and where—challenges that are familiar to Canmore’s homebuilders. Taxing part-time residency is no substitute for genuine housing reform, and may in fact deter investment in new housing.
Vacant home taxes are also costly for governments to administer. According to Canmore’s latest budget, it will cost $920,000 in the first year and $820,000 in the second year just to administer the Livability Tax. That amounts to between eight and nine per cent of the projected $10.3 million in annual revenue generated by the tax. By contrast, the administrative cost of ordinary property tax administration in Canada is typically about two per cent of revenue. The Livability Tax will apply to Canmore residents that occupy their housing unit for less than 183 days a year.
Crucially, the stakes of vacant home taxation are unusually high for Canmore. A study commissioned by the municipality estimates that one in four homes are likely not occupied full-time . That may increase the tax’s reach, but also its potential harm.
Why? Because deterring part-time residents is a risky proposition. The underlying assumption of the Livability Tax is that full-time residents are more valuable to the community than part-time residents. But the town council’s arbitrary 183-day threshold does not account for a resident’s contribution to Canmore’s economy or civic life. In many communities in North America, particularly in areas with wide ranges in seasonal temperatures and weather, part-time residents may help comprise the lifeblood of the community. Canmore may not realize the full cost of deterring part-time residents until they are gone.
And the Livability Tax comes on top of a recent hike in property tax rates for so-called “tourist homes,” which now pay roughly triple the standard rate. While these measures may appeal to some permanent residents, they risk deterring homebuilding and undermining Canmore’s appeal as a tourist destination.
Meanwhile, the town’s actual housing supply remains stagnant. Only 321 new homes were started in 2024. Some constraints on housing development are unavoidable given that Canmore is hemmed in by mountains and protected land. But other impediments to new housing—rooted in policy and political will—are not.
Rather than targeting part-time residents, Canmore should remove policy barriers that restrict new housing development. The recently approved Gateway and Palliser Lane projects show that relaxing municipal rules—on building heights, setbacks and parking requirements—can unlock more housing development. Building that kind of flexibility into policy and applying it more widely could go a long way toward easing the housing crunch.
If Canmore wants to improve housing affordability, it needs to build—not tax—its way there.
Alberta
Alberta Premier Danielle Smith Discusses Moving Energy Forward at the Global Energy Show in Calgary

From Energy Now
At the energy conference in Calgary, Alberta Premier Danielle Smith pressed the case for building infrastructure to move provincial products to international markets, via a transportation and energy corridor to British Columbia.
“The anchor tenant for this corridor must be a 42-inch pipeline, moving one million incremental barrels of oil to those global markets. And we can’t stop there,” she told the audience.
The premier reiterated her support for new pipelines north to Grays Bay in Nunavut, east to Churchill, Man., and potentially a new version of Energy East.
The discussion comes as Prime Minister Mark Carney and his government are assembling a list of major projects of national interest to fast-track for approval.
Carney has also pledged to establish a major project review office that would issue decisions within two years, instead of five.
Alberta
Punishing Alberta Oil Production: The Divisive Effect of Policies For Carney’s “Decarbonized Oil”

From Energy Now
By Ron Wallace
The federal government has doubled down on its commitment to “responsibly produced oil and gas”. These terms are apparently carefully crafted to maintain federal policies for Net Zero. These policies include a Canadian emissions cap, tanker bans and a clean electricity mandate.
Following meetings in Saskatoon in early June between Prime Minister Mark Carney and Canadian provincial and territorial leaders, the federal government expressed renewed interest in the completion of new oil pipelines to reduce reliance on oil exports to the USA while providing better access to foreign markets. However Carney, while suggesting that there is “real potential” for such projects nonetheless qualified that support as being limited to projects that would “decarbonize” Canadian oil, apparently those that would employ carbon capture technologies. While the meeting did not result in a final list of potential projects, Alberta Premier Danielle Smith said that this approach would constitute a “grand bargain” whereby new pipelines to increase oil exports could help fund decarbonization efforts. But is that true and what are the implications for the Albertan and Canadian economies?
The federal government has doubled down on its commitment to “responsibly produced oil and gas”. These terms are apparently carefully crafted to maintain federal policies for Net Zero. These policies include a Canadian emissions cap, tanker bans and a clean electricity mandate. Many would consider that Canadians, especially Albertans, should be wary of these largely undefined announcements in which Ottawa proposes solely to determine projects that are “in the national interest.”
The federal government has tabled legislation designed to address these challenges with Bill C-5: An Act to enact the Free Trade and Labour Mobility Act and the Building Canada Act (the One Canadian Economy Act). Rather than replacing controversial, and challenged, legislation like the Impact Assessment Act, the Carney government proposes to add more legislation designed to accelerate and streamline regulatory approvals for energy and infrastructure projects. However, only those projects that Ottawa designates as being in the national interest would be approved. While clearer, shorter regulatory timelines and the restoration of the Major Projects Office are also proposed, Bill C-5 is to be superimposed over a crippling regulatory base.
It remains to be seen if this attempt will restore a much-diminished Canadian Can-Do spirit for economic development by encouraging much-needed, indeed essential interprovincial teamwork across shared jurisdictions. While the Act’s proposed single approval process could provide for expedited review timelines, a complex web of regulatory processes will remain in place requiring much enhanced interagency and interprovincial coordination. Given Canada’s much-diminished record for regulatory and policy clarity will this legislation be enough to persuade the corporate and international capital community to consider Canada as a prime investment destination?
As with all complex matters the devil always lurks in the details. Notably, these federal initiatives arrive at a time when the Carney government is facing ever-more pressing geopolitical, energy security and economic concerns. The Organization for Economic Co-operation and Development predicts that Canada’s economy will grow by a dismal one per cent in 2025 and 1.1 per cent in 2026 – this at a time when the global economy is predicted to grow by 2.9 per cent.
It should come as no surprise that Carney’s recent musing about the “real potential” for decarbonized oil pipelines have sparked debate. The undefined term “decarbonized”, is clearly aimed directly at western Canadian oil production as part of Ottawa’s broader strategy to achieve national emissions commitments using costly carbon capture and storage (CCS) projects whose economic viability at scale has been questioned. What might this mean for western Canadian oil producers?
The Alberta Oil sands presently account for about 58% of Canada’s total oil output. Data from December 2023 show Alberta producing a record 4.53 million barrels per day (MMb/d) as major oil export pipelines including Trans Mountain, Keystone and the Enbridge Mainline operate at high levels of capacity. Meanwhile, in 2023 eastern Canada imported on average about 490,000 barrels of crude oil per day (bpd) at a cost estimated at CAD $19.5 billion. These seaborne shipments to major refineries (like New Brunswick’s Irving Refinery in Saint John) rely on imported oil by tanker with crude oil deliveries to New Brunswick averaging around 263,000 barrels per day. In 2023 the estimated total cost to Canada for imported crude oil was $19.5 billion with oil imports arriving from the United States (72.4%), Nigeria (12.9%), and Saudi Arabia (10.7%). Since 1988, marine terminals along the St. Lawrence have seen imports of foreign oil valued at more than $228 billion while the Irving Oil refinery imported $136 billion from 1988 to 2020.
What are the policy and cost implication of Carney’s call for the “decarbonization” of western Canadian produced, oil? It implies that western Canadian “decarbonized” oil would have to be produced and transported to competitive world markets under a material regulatory and financial burden. Meanwhile, eastern Canadian refiners would be allowed to import oil from the USA and offshore jurisdictions free from any comparable regulatory burdens. This policy would penalize, and makes less competitive, Canadian producers while rewarding offshore sources. A federal regulatory requirement to decarbonize western Canadian crude oil production without imposing similar restrictions on imported oil would render the One Canadian Economy Act moot and create two market realities in Canada – one that favours imports and that discourages, or at very least threatens the competitiveness of, Canadian oil export production.
Ron Wallace is a former Member of the National Energy Board.
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