Connect with us

Business

Democracy Watch Drops a Bomb on Parliament Hill

Published

21 minute read

The Opposition with Dan Knight

Dan Knight's avatar Dan Knight

This is the Laurentian elite in action, the real swamp. And let’s stop pretending it’s a misunderstanding. It’s not. It’s a design. And it’s been rigged from day one to shield the powerful and confuse the public.

It was supposed to be a routine ethics committee meeting — another step in Parliament’s long, quiet review of the federal Conflict of Interest Act. Instead, it turned into a full-blown headache for the Liberal government.

Earlier this week, the Standing Committee on Access to Information, Privacy and Ethics (ETHI) called a single witness for its first hour: Duff Conacher, co-founder of Democracy Watch and longtime government ethics critic. That alone set tempers flaring. Liberal MPs objected to Conacher getting an entire hour to himself, arguing the time could have been shared with “other experts.” In reality, those “other experts” were expected to deliver much friendlier testimony for the government, academics who tend to describe Canada’s ethics rules as needing “tweaks,” not a total overhaul.

Conacher, by contrast, didn’t mince words. His opening statement hit Ottawa like a hammer. He called the federal Conflict of Interest Act a “sad joke,” saying it fails to regulate the people it’s supposed to, the Prime Minister, Cabinet ministers, and senior officials. Conflicts of interest, he said, aren’t occasional or accidental; they’re baked into how Ottawa works, and the law “neither prevents nor penalizes them in any meaningful way.”

He detailed how the system’s supposed safeguards actually work as escape hatches. The two big culprits: “ethics screens” and “blind trusts.” Ethics screens, he said, are an administrative fiction created and managed inside government to hide, not prevent, conflicts. Officials can quietly “step aside” from files without the public ever knowing, and sometimes don’t step aside at all.

Blind trusts, Conacher said, are not truly blind. Office-holders know exactly what assets they’ve placed there, can receive updates from trustees, and in many cases keep key holdings outside the trust entirely.

He told MPs this setup becomes most absurd at the very top, the Prime Minister’s Office. Cabinet-level decisions are routinely labeled as being of “general application” (affecting everyone), which means they’re automatically exempt from the Act’s restrictions, even when they clearly have direct financial consequences for the officeholder. “The higher you go,” Conacher said, “the easier it is to claim you’re exempt.”

He then pushed for real transparency, public logs showing who officials meet with, what files they handle, and when they actually recuse themselves. If that data were made public, Conacher said, Canadians would discover that even when officials have financial conflicts, they still participate in government decisions “the vast majority of the time.”

Finally, he outlined what a functional ethics regime would look like:

  • Close the “general application” loophole.
  • Make ethics screens public and detailed.
  • Scrap blind trusts for top roles and require divestment (with tax fairness for those who sell assets to serve).
  • Impose real penalties and enforcement… not polite advice after the fact.

Conacher ended by telling the committee it’s time for action, not handwringing. “Culture follows rules with teeth,” he said, urging MPs to draw bright lines, demand disclosure, and prevent conflicts before they happen, not sweep them under the rug afterward.

Under Oath and Under Fire: MPs Probe Carney’s Conflicts and the Cracks in Canada’s Ethics Law

If Duff Conacher’s opening statement rattled Ottawa’s cage, what came next set it ablaze. Conservative MP Michael Cooper used his time to zero in on the biggest political live wire in the room, Prime Minister Mark Carney’s personal financial interests.

Cooper began by asking the question that should make any ethics commissioner nervous: what exactly is the Prime Minister invested in? He pointed out that Carney still holds “carried interest,” a performance-based bonus, tied to the Brookfield Global Transition funds he helped raise before entering politics. These are not simple mutual funds. They’re massive, complex investment vehicles owning stakes in energy, infrastructure, and transition projects across the world. The problem? The public has no idea what specific companies those funds contain. Cooper’s point was simple: if Canadians don’t know where the Prime Minister’s money is, how can they know when he’s in a conflict?

Conacher agreed. The current disclosure rules, he said, allow secret investments. The public can’t see the holdings, but the PM still can. “He knows what industries and companies are affected by his own policy decisions,” Conacher testified. “That’s the problem.”

Cooper then moved to what’s quickly becoming the most infamous phrase in Ottawa ethics law: the “general application” loophole. It’s the technical excuse that lets Cabinet ministers, and especially the Prime Minister, participate in decisions that could benefit their financial interests so long as those decisions can be described as affecting everyone. Conacher didn’t hold back: “The Act only applies one percent of the time,” he said flatly. “A real conflict is almost impossible under the way it’s written.”

Cooper shot back that nothing stops Carney from voluntarily disclosing more. Conacher agreed “he could,” he said but made clear that the PM has chosen not to.

That’s when Cooper went for the jugular: how can an ethics screen even work if the holdings that trigger the conflict are secret? Conacher didn’t flinch. He called the PM’s ethics screen a “smokescreen” — something that hides more than it reveals. He added that the screen even violates the Act’s own rule on disclosing recusals, since it keeps the public completely in the dark about when, or if, the PM steps aside. In practice, Conacher said, because of that same general-application carve-out, “the Prime Minister is participating 99 percent of the time in decisions affecting his interests.”

Cooper then questioned the screen’s independence, pointing out it’s administered by the Prime Minister’s Chief of Staff and the Clerk of the Privy Council — both appointed by Carney himself. Conacher’s reply cut to the bone: “Anyone who serves at your pleasure is not independent.” He reminded MPs that the entire screen system wasn’t even created by law — it was invented by the Ethics Commissioner. He said the Commissioner could make it fully transparent tomorrow by simply publishing every recusal in real time, which would expose how rarely the PM is actually stepping aside.

Finally, Cooper dismantled the “blind trust” talking point — the standard line every prime minister uses to claim their finances are sealed off from politics. “Blind trusts are not blind at all,” Conacher replied. “You choose your own trustee. You can give instructions. You can get updates. And you already know what you put in.”

Then came the bombshell. For Carney, Conacher said, some Brookfield holdings — the so-called ‘103 companies’ — sit outside the trust altogether. On top of that, Carney holds stock options that don’t expire until 2033. “He knows he’s in a financial conflict,” Conacher said.

By the time Cooper’s five minutes were up, the Liberal MPs across the table looked like they wanted to be anywhere else. The record now showed that the Prime Minister of Canada — a former global banker — still has multimillion-dollar ties to one of the biggest investment firms in the world. And under the current rules, he can claim it’s all perfectly legal.

Once Conservative MP Michael Cooper wrapped up his blistering cross-examination, the rest of the Ethics Committee meeting turned into something resembling a slow-motion car crash for the Liberals. Every new round of questioning circled back to the same uncomfortable truth Duff Conacher had already laid bare: the Prime Minister’s conflict-of-interest system is broken by design and everyone in Ottawa knows it.

Liberal MP Mark Leslie Church tried to change the subject by turning the discussion into a technical one. He asked Conacher why Canada has two separate ethics regimes the Conflict of Interest Act for cabinet and staff, and the Members’ Code for MPs and whether that structure makes sense. Conacher calmly explained that while other jurisdictions merge the two, the real issue isn’t structure, it’s substance. He pointed out that the Prime Minister also operates under a separate PM’s code — one that, on paper, bans even apparent conflicts of interest and has no “general application” loophole. But that code, he noted, hasn’t been re-enacted by Mark Carney. The version still online is from 2015, signed by Justin Trudeau. “Prime ministers,” Conacher said pointedly, “have not been enforcing their own rules.”

Church then tried a softer tack, quoting the Act’s preamble, the part about “encouraging experienced and competent persons to serve in government.” He suggested that Conacher’s strict divestment rules might discourage talented people from entering public life. Conacher’s reply was direct: “The purpose of this Act is to prevent conflicts of interest, not accommodate them.” If divestment made service costly, he said, the law could offer tax-neutral relief so people could cash out without penalty. The goal wasn’t to keep the rich out — it was to keep the law clean.

Then came Bloc Québécois MP Luc Thériault, who cut through the procedural language and went straight for principle. “We are here to bring ethics into politics,” he said in French, “not politics into ethics.” He agreed that the current regime is designed to tolerate conflict rather than eliminate it. Conacher concurred and said flatly that screens and trusts are gimmicks. The only real solution, he said, is divestment , sell the assets, remove the conflict, period. He pressed for full transparency on recusals, saying Canadians deserve to see when and how the Prime Minister actually steps aside.

When Thériault got another turn later in the session, he hammered the same point: how can a recusal be independent if the PM’s own Chief of Staff and Clerk are the ones running the screen? Conacher said it can’t be. Even if the PM does step back, “everyone knows what his interests are,” and those subordinates “serve at his pleasure.” He added he was surprised Carney didn’t cash out before taking office, noting that by keeping his holdings, the PM guaranteed himself a steady stream of ethics questions, a “constant drag on credibility.”

Next up was Conservative MP Gabriel Hardy, who didn’t waste time with hypotheticals. He asked point-blank whether the Prime Minister is in a financial conflict “pretty much any time” he makes a decision that affects Canadian businesses. “Yes,” Conacher replied without hesitation. Hardy then tore into the Ethics Commissioner’s leniency, noting the maximum penalty under the Act — a laughable $3,000 fine — and suggesting it’s meaningless for office-holders making hundreds of thousands of dollars a year. Conacher agreed, saying even parking laws are enforced more strictly than the rules meant to keep the Prime Minister honest. Hardy floated the idea of disgorgement — forcing officials to repay any financial gains from conflicts — and Conacher backed it, saying the Act needs penalties “with real bite.”

When Liberal MP Abdelhaw Sori took over, he tried to salvage the conversation by going academic. Could the law ever really eliminate the appearance of a conflict? Conacher said yes B.C. does it already by using a reasonable-person test to define “apparent conflict.” Sori then asked how to fix the notorious “general application” clause. Conacher’s answer: draw a hard legal line. If you have any financial interest in a decision, you don’t participate — period. The only exceptions would be for truly universal measures (like income tax changes that affect everyone equally). For those with complex assets, he reiterated: require divestment but make it tax-neutral, so people can serve without financial punishment.

Finally, Conservative MP Shuvaloy Majumdar brought the discussion full circle, back to the heart of the matter: what the Prime Minister actually knows. Majumdar walked Conacher through the so-called “blind trust.” Carney knows exactly what went in, he said, and those holdings rarely change. Conacher confirmed that even the Ethics Commissioner has admitted most trustees don’t move assets much. Majumdar noted that Carney helped raise billions in Brookfield’s funds and likely holds millions in exposure himself. Conacher agreed, adding the PM still has stock options that run until 2033, as well as a carried interest bonus tied to fund performance.

Majumdar then brought up the optics: the Prime Minister had just returned from a New York trip meeting with global investment managers, many linked to those same funds. “That’s a pretty precarious conflict,” he said. Conacher agreed, saying Canada’s system allows “major conflicts at the top levels of government” to persist under a veneer of compliance. Full disclosure would help, he said, but transparency is not a cure. “It shows the conflict,” Conacher said, “it doesn’t remove it.”

By the time the first hour was over, the damage was done. Conacher had made his case: the Conflict of Interest Act doesn’t just fail, it protects the powerful. And under it, Canada’s Prime Minister can hold multimillion-dollar stakes in a global investment firm, meet with its partners, steer economic policy, and still claim everything is perfectly ethical.

Final thoughts

So let’s just be blunt here. If you’re watching this committee and you’re not angry, you’re either on the Liberal payroll or asleep. The Conflict of Interest Act is a glorified PR stunt, and the ETHI committee just confirmed it. They brought in Duff Conacher one of the few people in Ottawa who isn’t trying to polish the furniture on the Titanic and what did the Liberals do? They squirmed. They griped. They pouted about how unfair it was that a watchdog was actually allowed to talk for more than five minutes.

Meanwhile, Mark Carney, the former global banker, is sitting on long-term stock options, carried interest, and investment ties that stretch around the world. And under this Swiss cheese ethics law, he can regulate industries he’s invested in, meet with their CEOs, shape policies that affect their bottom line and still say he’s “compliant.”

You couldn’t design a more self-serving system if you tried. It’s like asking the fox to recuse himself from guarding the henhouse and then letting him write the rules for the next guy.

And here’s the part that should make your blood boil: every one of these so-called public servants will walk away from Parliament one day with a gold-plated pension, a Rolodex of lobbyists, and a guaranteed seat on some corporate board that will pay them handsomely for doing one thing, being connected. That’s what this system rewards: not service, not honesty — but access.

You think Mark Carney’s going to struggle to find work after this? Please. Every global bank, hedge fund, and foreign multinational will be begging him to sit on their board so they can tap into Ottawa’s inner circle. He’ll cash out, smile for the cameras, and call it “public-private partnership.”

This is the Laurentian elite in action, the real swamp. And let’s stop pretending it’s a misunderstanding. It’s not. It’s a design. And it’s been rigged from day one to shield the powerful and confuse the public.

So no, the ETHI hearing wasn’t just another bureaucratic exercise. It was a window into how power actually protects itself in this country. And unless Canadians get loud, unless they demand actual penalties, mandatory divestment, real transparency, this isn’t going to stop.

It’ll just keep getting worse.


I’m an independent Canadian journalist exposing corruption, delivering unfiltered truths and untold stories.
Join me on Substack for fearless reporting that goes beyond headlines

Todayville is a digital media and technology company. We profile unique stories and events in our community. Register and promote your community event for free.

Follow Author

Business

Will Paramount turn the tide of legacy media and entertainment?

Published on

 

From the Daily Caller News Foundation

By Bill Flaig And Tom Carter

The recent leadership changes at Paramount Skydance suggest that the company may finally be ready to correct course after years of ideological drift, cultural activism posing as programming, and a pattern of self-inflicted financial and reputational damage.

Nowhere was this problem more visible than at CBS News, which for years operated as one of the most partisan and combative news organizations. Let’s be honest, CBS was the worst of an already left biased industry that stopped at nothing to censor conservatives. The network seemed committed to the idea that its viewers needed to be guided, corrected, or morally shaped by its editorial decisions.

This culminated in the CBS and 60 Minutes segment with Kamala Harris that was so heavily manipulated and so structurally misleading that it triggered widespread backlash and ultimately forced Paramount to settle a $16 million dispute with Donald Trump. That was not merely a legal or contractual problem. It was an institutional failure that demonstrated the degree to which political advocacy had overtaken journalistic integrity.

Dear Readers:

As a nonprofit, we are dependent on the generosity of our readers.

Please consider making a small donation of any amount here.

Thank you!

For many longtime viewers across the political spectrum, that episode represented a clear breaking point. It became impossible to argue that CBS News was simply leaning left. It was operating with a mission orientation that prioritized shaping narratives rather than reporting truth. As a result, trust collapsed. Many of us who once had long-term professional, commercial, or intellectual ties to Paramount and CBS walked away.

David Ellison’s acquisition of Paramount marks the most consequential change to the studio’s identity in a generation. Ellison is not anchored to the old Hollywood ecosystem where cultural signaling and activist messaging were considered more important than story, audience appeal, or shareholder value.

His professional history in film and strategic business management suggests an approach grounded in commercial performance, audience trust, and brand rebuilding rather than ideological identity. That shift matters because Paramount has spent years creating content and news coverage that seemed designed to provoke or instruct viewers rather than entertain or inform them. It was an approach that drained goodwill, eroded market share, and drove entire segments of the viewing public elsewhere.

The appointment of Bari Weiss as the new chief editor of CBS News is so significant. Weiss has built her reputation on rejecting ideological conformity imposed from either side. She has consistently spoken out against antisemitism and the moral disorientation that emerges when institutions prioritize political messaging over honesty.

Her brand centers on the belief that journalism should clarify rather than obscure. During President Trump’s recent 60 Minutes interview, he praised Weiss as a “great person” and credited her with helping restore integrity and editorial seriousness inside CBS. That moment signaled something important. Paramount is no longer simply rearranging executives. It is rethinking identity.

The appointment of Makan Delrahim as Chief Legal Officer was an early indicator. Delrahim’s background at the Department of Justice, where he led antitrust enforcement, signals seriousness about governance, compliance, and restoring institutional discipline.

But the deeper and more meaningful shift is occurring at the ownership and editorial levels, where the most politically charged parts of Paramount’s portfolio may finally be shedding the habits that alienated millions of viewers.The transformation will not be immediate. Institutions develop habits, internal cultures, and incentive structures that resist correction. There will be internal opposition, particularly from staff and producers who benefited from the ideological culture that defined CBS News in recent years.

There will be critics in Hollywood who see any shift toward balance as a threat to their influence. And there will be outside voices who will insist that any move away from their preferred political posture is regression.

But genuine reform never begins with instant consensus. It begins with leadership willing to be clear about the mission.

Paramount has the opportunity to reclaim what once made it extraordinary. Not as a symbol. Not as a message distribution vehicle. But as a studio that understands that good storytelling and credible reporting are not partisan aims. They are universal aims. Entertainment succeeds when it connects with audiences rather than instructing them. Journalism succeeds when it pursues truth rather than victory.

In an era when audiences have more viewing choices than at any time in history, trust is an economic asset. Viewers are sophisticated. They recognize when they are being lectured rather than engaged. They know when editorial goals are political rather than informational. And they are willing to reward any institution that treats them with respect.

There is now reason to believe Paramount understands this. The leadership is changing. The tone is changing. The incentives are being reassessed.

It is not the final outcome. But it is a real beginning. As the great Winston Churchill once said; “Now this is not the end. It is not even the beginning of the end. But it is, perhaps, the end of the beginning”.

For the first time in a long time, the door to cultural realignment in legacy media is open. And Paramount is standing at the threshold and has the capability to become a market leader once again. If Paramount acts, the industry will follow.

Bill Flaig and Tom Carter are the Co-Founders of The American Conservatives Values ETF, Ticker Symbol ACVF traded on the New York Stock Exchange. Ticker Symbol ACVF

Learn more at www.InvestConservative.com

Continue Reading

Business

Carney’s Floor-Crossing Campaign. A Media-Staged Bid for Majority Rule That Erodes Democracy While Beijing Hovers

Published on

In a majority government, an unprecedented and risky, course-altering national policy — deepening ties with Beijing while loosening ties with Washington — is considerably easier to execute.

On budget day, Ottawa’s reporters were sequestered in the traditional lock-up, combing through hundreds of pages, when Politico detonated a perfectly timed scoop: Conservative MP Chris d’Entremont was weighing a jump to Mark Carney’s Liberals. Within hours, he crossed, moving the government to within two seats of a majority — one that would guarantee Carney’s hold on power until 2029 — without Canadians casting a single ballot.

This was no ordinary budget day. By orchestrating a floor-crossing during a media lock-up, the Liberals blurred scrutiny of a historic spending plan while inching toward a de facto majority. That sequence raises deeper concerns about media–political entanglements and the democratic legitimacy of building a majority outside the polls.

Toronto Sun columnist Brian Lilley, in a deeply reported Substack post yesterday, captured months of palace intrigue. A well-sourced politics reporter with lines into Conservatives and Liberals alike, he lays out the knowns, the known unknowns, and the plausible backroom plays. Carney’s courting began right after the April 28 election that left him sitting at 169 seats, Lilley writes. For weeks, the Liberals probed for weak ribs in the Conservative caucus; and on November 4, they landed one.

“One thing is clear, the Liberals have been trying to poach a lot of Conservative MPs and doing everything they can to convince them to cross the floor,” he concluded.

Why? According to Lilley, Carney has been “governing for the most part like he has a majority, and he clearly doesn’t want to engage in the horse trading that a minority Parliament requires, so poaching MPs can solve his problem.”

The fallout was already clear to see last week. And it doesn’t look good for Canadian democracy or Canadian media, which receives significant government subsidies. Even at surface level, the press corps was visibly distracted from its first duty to citizens: scrutinizing a historically large budget packed with nation-building promises and unanswered questions about feasibility. Veteran reporters have already acknowledged this.

In another piece this weekend, Catherine Tunney, a solid CBC reporter, explained how Pierre Poilievre was undermined this way: “For the Opposition, budget week is a communications gift. It’s an easy way for the party to call out government spending,” she wrote. “For a leader who has built his brand on calling out Liberal spending, tabling a budget with a $78-billion deficit is the political equivalent of pitching a strike straight down the middle to Dodger slugger Shohei Ohtani.”

But instead, “of taking a victory lap around the bases, [Poilievre] ended the week facing questions about his leadership — after losing one MP to his rivals and another resigning from federal politics altogether.”

The messaging continued yesterday, with another CBC report amplifying the Liberals’ narrative that Conservative leaders were actively bullying MPs not to cross.

CBC had to issue a correction. After publishing d’Entremont’s account that senior Conservatives “pushed” his assistant, CBC later updated the story to clarify that Andrew Scheer and Chris Warkentin “pushed open the door,” and the aide stepped aside — a meaningful distinction.

Stepping back from the noise, there is a deeper problem.

Making honeyed promises to floor-crossers is legal in Canada’s democracy. But Canada is in a mounting trade war involving China and the United States, in an increasingly dangerous, cutthroat geopolitical environment. Already, the prime minister is pledging renewed engagement with Beijing as a strategic partner.

Doing so in a minority Parliament means facing tough accountability questions — and bruising inquiries in ethics committee hearings. In a majority government, an unprecedented and risky, course-altering national policy — deepening ties with Beijing while loosening ties with Washington — is considerably easier to execute.

And what kind of partner is Carney choosing? Yesterday, Japan lodged formal complaints after a senior Chinese diplomat took to social media and threatened to “cut [the] dirty neck” of Japan’s new leader over her stance on Taiwan. On Friday, Prime Minister Sanae Takaichi had said a Chinese attack on Taiwan could constitute “a survival-threatening situation” for Japan, potentially requiring the use of force.

“We have no choice but cut off that dirty neck that has been lunged at us without hesitation. Are you ready?” Chinese Consul General Xue Jian said in a message posted on X, which was later deleted.

This is the government Carney is rapidly sliding closer to. The same regime that jailed Canadians Michael Kovrig and Michael Spavor in the Meng Wanzhou affair — and a government that, Canadian intelligence has warned, attempts to shape media narratives in Canada.

As The Bureau reported in 2023, Canada’s own Privy Council Office warned in a January 2022 Special Report that Beijing’s United Front Work Department targets Canadian institutions.

In a section alleging Beijing “manipulates traditional media” in Canada, the report details press conferences held in January 2019 by former Toronto-area Liberal cabinet minister John McCallum, to argue that Canada’s detention of Huawei executive Meng Wanzhou was illegal. McCallum, then ambassador to China, was forced to resign after the Conservative opposition condemned his comments.

In the fallout, according to the Privy Council Office report, Canadian intelligence uncovered that several Chinese diplomats in Canada were voicing support for McCallum. One Chinese consulate official “sent information” to an unidentified Canadian media reporter indicating Chinese Canadians have favourable impressions of McCallum, the report says.

Now back to Ottawa media’s role. Why and how did Politico get the floor-crossing scoop during the budget lock-up — and then, that same evening, co-host a post-budget reception branded “Prudence & Prosecco” at the Métropolitain Brasserie, where Finance Minister François-Philippe Champagne and well-placed Liberals mingled with reporters? Every veteran reporter knows political parties try to influence the press — they’re called spin doctors for a reason. But darker forces can ride the same channels. In Brussels, for example, European security services are investigating a former Politico reporter over alleged ties to Chinese intelligence — still unproven, but a cautionary tale about the murkiness of media–political ecosystems.

Lilley also documents how coverage of another rumoured floor-crosser, Matt Jeneroux, became part of last week’s fog machine. The Toronto Star reported a private meeting between Jeneroux and Carney involving senior Liberal strategists Braden Caley and Tom Pitfield; Jeneroux issued categorical denials to senior Conservatives. “Someone is lying,” Lilley writes — and whether or not a second crossing was imminent, the destabilization served its purpose. Other names floated, such as Michael Chong, were so implausible as to raise suspicion of calculated disinformation.

“I didn’t buy Chong either, but Liberals kept pushing that narrative,” Lilley wrote. “As someone who knows Michael a bit, I simply didn’t believe it, didn’t even reach out to ask — he later called me to confirm the rumours were bogus.”

It is geopolitically notable that Michael Chong — sanctioned by Beijing and repeatedly targeted in PRC pressure campaigns, including a Chinese intelligence operation targeting Chong and his family that Justin Trudeau’s government failed to notify him about — saw his name tossed into this mess. Who benefits from saddling Chong with corrosive rumours?

It would seem that not only the Liberals benefit, but so do Carney’s new “strategic partners” in Beijing. None of this proves any newsroom has wittingly acted in bad faith, nor is there any evidence that Beijing’s shadow looms in the Liberals’ media playbook. But it does suggest how a coordinated political operation can be abetted by domestic media distraction.

Now, consider darker possibilities that could be in play. Not necessarily last week, but in any number of major events and stories shaping relations among Canada, China, and the United States.

The bipartisan NSICOP 2024 Review into allegations of Chinese election interference in Canada’s last two federal elections found that “during the period under review, the intelligence community observed states manipulating traditional media to disseminate propaganda in what otherwise appeared to be independent news publications.”

It added: “Foreign states also spread disinformation to promote their agendas and consequently challenge Canadian interests, which posed the greatest cyber-threat activity to voters during the time under review.”

The report continued: “These tactics attempt to influence public discourse and policymakers’ choices, compromise the reputations of politicians, delegitimize democracy, or exacerbate existing frictions in society.”

According to the intelligence community, “the PRC was the most capable actor in this context, interfering with Canadian media content via direct engagement with Canadian media executives and journalists.”

So what do we have here? Carney’s Liberals have a natural interest in destabilizing the Conservatives and sending Pierre Poilievre — a prosecutorial-style politician who excels at exposing his opponents’ weaknesses — into early political retirement. Arguably, they have a well-founded interest in dividing the Conservative Party itself.

But using the media to float names of opposition MPs who never intended to cross is disinformation, plain and simple. And when that name is Michael Chong — long targeted by Beijing — the stakes rise. If Carney is tilting toward a “strategic partnership” with Beijing, and if that delays the Foreign Influence Transparency Registry, as critics such as Dr. Charles Burton warn, then the tactics on display have moved from questionable to unacceptable — and risk entangling the interests of the Liberal Party of Canada with those of the Chinese Communist Party in Beijing.

The Bureau is a reader-supported publication. To receive new posts and support my work, consider becoming a free or paid subscriber.

Continue Reading

Trending

X