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Fraser Institute

Declining stature of foreign affairs minister underscores Canada’s waning influence on world stage

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From the Fraser Institute

By John Ibbitson

In the cabinet he unveiled in May, Prime Minister Mark Carney appointed Anita Anand to serve as this year’s foreign affairs minister.

Yes, that’s tongue in cheek. Anand may well serve longer than one year in that role. Her predecessor, Mélanie Joly, served three-and-a-half years, almost as long as John Baird who served from May 2011 to February 2015. But those two were exceptions to what has become a revolving door ministry. In this century, 15 people have served as minister of foreign affairs.

Some of this has to do with the six minority governments we’ve had in Ottawa over that time. But the bigger reason is that Global Affairs Canada, as it is currently known, no longer has the stature it once enjoyed, in part because foreign policy is directed more and more from the Prime Minister’s Office, and because “Canada’s standing in the world has slipped,” as Marc Garneau, who was foreign minister for nine months in 2021, wrote in his memoir. “We are losing credibility.”

The minister of foreign affairs was once seen almost as a Canadian equivalent of an American vice-president. Louis St. Laurent, Lester Pearson and Jean Chretien all served at foreign affairs before later becoming prime minister. Joe Clark served as foreign affairs minister after having been prime minister.

And Canadian foreign policy once mattered in world affairs. Pearson played a key role in the negotiations that led to the creation of the North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO) in 1949. He was the only Canadian to win the Nobel Prize for Peace, after he helped broker a ceasefire during the 1956 Suez Crisis that led to the first peacekeeping mission.

During her brief tenure as foreign affairs minister in 1979, Flora MacDonald promoted the idea of bringing Vietnamese refugees to Canada through private sponsorships by citizens and groups. The United Nations awarded Canada the Nansen Refugee Award for accepting more than 60,000 boat people, as they were known, from Indochina.

Joe Clark, as External Affairs minister in the 1980s, put Canada in the forefront of opposition to the apartheid regime in South Africa.

At the turn of this century, foreign minister Lloyd Axworthy led the movement that brought about the United Nations doctrine of Responsibility to Protect—a global commitment to prevent genocide and other atrocities.

And following the attacks on 9/11, Foreign affairs minister John Manley worked closely with Homeland Security Director Tom Ridge to secure the Canada-U.S. border, while continuing to promote free trade across it.

Since then, the stature of foreign affairs ministers has declined. Bill Graham was deeply disappointed when Paul Martin replaced him as minister with Pierre Pettigrew, whom Martin kept on a very short leash.

Stephen Harper cycled through a plethora of foreign affairs ministers—Peter MacKay, Maxime Bernier, David Emerson, Lawrence Cannon, Baird and, in the final months, Rob Nicholson.

Justin Trudeau did the same, replacing Stéphane Dion with Chrystia Freeland, then François-Philippe Champagne, then Garneau and finally Joly.

Part of this is the way of the world. In foreign affairs ministries everywhere, from Foggy Bottom to Whitehall to the Quai d’Orsay, diplomats lament that the office of the head of government effectively runs foreign affairs, shunting them aside.

But the declining stature of the Canada’s minister of foreign affairs coincides with the declining stature of Canada within the Western alliance and beyond, which itself is the result of the decline in Canda’s defence capability.

In the 1950s, during the Korean War, Canada’s defence spending reached 7.4 per cent of GDP. On John Diefenbaker’s watch it sat above 4 per cent; on Pearson’s, around 3 per cent.

Pierre Trudeau reduced the size and role of Canada’s military, while seeking to make Canada less closely aligned with the United States. He took defence spending down to 2 per cent of GDP, where Brian Mulroney kept it.

With the end of the Cold War, and with the need to balance the federal budget, defence spending under Jean Chretien and Paul Martin fell to about 1 per cent of GDP, where it largely remained under Stephen Harper and Justin Trudeau.

Other members of NATO are investing heavily in their military in the wake of Russia’s invasion of Ukraine. But Canada continues to lag behind.

Prime Minister Carney promises to increase Canada’s defence commitments while pursuing a more robust foreign and trade policy. We shall see. In any case, Anand should not get too comfortable in her office at the Pearson building. If past is precedent, she may not be there long.

John Ibbitson

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Banks

Scrapping net-zero commitments step in right direction for Canadian Pension Plan

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From the Fraser Institute

By Matthew Lau

And in January, all of Canada’s six largest banks quit the Net-Zero Banking Alliance, an alliance formerly led by Mark Carney (before he resigned to run for leadership of the Liberal Party) that aimed to align banking activities with net-zero emissions by 2050.

The Canada Pension Plan Investment Board (CPPIB) has cancelled its commitment, established just three years ago, to transition to net-zero emissions by 2050. According to the CPPIB, “Forcing alignment with rigid milestones could lead to investment decisions that are misaligned with our investment strategy.”

This latest development is good news. The CPPIB, which invest the funds Canadians contribute to the Canada Pension Plan (CPP), has a fiduciary duty to Canadians who are forced to pay into the CPP and who rely on it for retirement income. The CPPIB’s objective should not be climate activism or other environmental or social concerns, but risk-adjusted financial returns. And as noted in a broad literature review by Steven Globerman, senior fellow at the Fraser Institute, there’s a lack of consistent evidence that pursuing ESG (environmental, social and governance) objectives helps improve financial returns.

Indeed, as economist John Cochrane pointed out, it’s logically impossible for ESG investing to achieve social or environmental goals while also improving financial returns. That’s because investors push for these goals by supplying firms aligned with these goals with cheaper capital. But cheaper capital for the firm is equivalent to lower returns for the investor. Therefore, “if you don’t lose money on ESG investing, ESG investing doesn’t work,” Cochrane explained. “Take your pick.”

The CPPIB is not alone among financial institutions abandoning environmental objectives in recent months. In April, Canada’s largest company by market capitalization, RBC, announced it will cancel its sustainable finance targets and reduce its environmental disclosures due to new federal rules around how companies make claims about their environmental performance.

And in January, all of Canada’s six largest banks quit the Net-Zero Banking Alliance, an alliance formerly led by Mark Carney (before he resigned to run for leadership of the Liberal Party) that aimed to align banking activities with net-zero emissions by 2050. Shortly before Canada’s six largest banks quit the initiative, the six largest U.S. banks did the same.

There’s a second potential benefit to the CPPIB cancelling its net-zero commitment. Now, perhaps with the net-zero objective out of the way, the CPPIB can rein in some of the administrative and management expenses associated with pursuing net-zero.

As Andrew Coyne noted in a recent commentary, the CPPIB has become bloated in the past two decades. Before 2006, the CPP invested passively, which meant it invested Canadians’ money in a way that tracked market indexes. But since switching to active investing, which includes picking stocks and other strategies, the CPPIB ballooned from 150 employees and total costs of $118 million to more than 2,100 employees and total expenses (before taxes and financing) of more than $6 billion.

This administrative ballooning took place well before the rise of environmentally-themed investing or the CPPIB’s announcement of net-zero targets, but the net-zero targets didn’t help. And as Coyne noted, the CPPIB’s active investment strategy in general has not improved financial returns either.

On the contrary, since switching to active investing the CPPIB has underperformed the index to a cumulative tune of about $70 billion, or nearly one-tenth of its current fund size. “The fund’s managers,” Coyne concluded, “have spent nearly two decades and a total of $53-billion trying to beat the market, only to produce a fund that is nearly 10-per-cent smaller than it would be had they just heaved darts at the listings.”

Scrapping net-zero commitments won’t turn that awful track record around overnight. But it’s finally a step in the right direction.

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Business

Federal fiscal anchor gives appearance of prudence, fails to back it up

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From the Fraser Institute

By Jake Fuss and Grady Munro

The Parliamentary Budget Officer (PBO)—which acts as the federal fiscal watchdog—released a new report highlighting concerns with the Carney government’s fiscal plan. Key among these concerns is the fact that the government’s promise to balance its “operating budget” does not actually ensure the nation’s finances are sustainable. Instead, the plan to balance the operating budget by 2028/29 gives the appearance of fiscal prudence, but allows the government to continue running large deficits and borrow more money.

First, what’s the new government’s fiscal plan?

While the Carney government has chosen to delay releasing a budget until the fall—leaving Canadians and parliamentarians in the dark about the state of government finances and where we’re headed—the Liberal platform and throne speech lay out the plan in broad strokes.

The Carney government plans to introduce a new framework that splits federal spending into two separate budgets: The operating budget and the capital budget. The operating budget will include “day-to-day” spending (e.g. government salaries, cash transfers to provinces and individuals, etc.) while the capital budget will include spending on “anything that builds an asset.” Within this framework, the government has set itself an objective—also called a ‘fiscal anchor’—to balance the operating budget over the next three years.

Fiscal anchors help guide policy on government spending, taxes and borrowing, and are intended to prevent government finances from deteriorating while ensuring that debt is sustainable for future generations. The previous federal government made a habit of violating its own fiscal anchors—to the detriment of national finances—but the Carney government has promised a “very different approach” to fiscal policy.

The PBO’s new report highlights two critical concerns with this new approach to finances. First, the federal government has not yet defined what “operating” spending is and what “capital” spending is. Therefore, it’s difficult to know whether any new spending policies—such as the recently announced increase in defence spending—will hurt efforts to achieve the government’s goal of balancing the operating budget and how much overall debt will be accumulated. In other words, the government’s plan to split the budget in two simply muddies the waters and makes it harder to evaluate federal finances.

The PBO’s second, and more alarming, concern is that even if the government achieves its goal to balance the operating budget, federal finances may still continue to deteriorate and debt may rise at an unsustainable rate (growing faster than the economy).

While the Liberal election platform does outline a fiscal path that appears to balance the operating budget by 2028/29, this path also includes higher deficits and more borrowing than the previous government’s plan once you factor in capital spending. Specifically, the Carney government plans to run overall deficits over the next four years that are a combined $93.4 billion more than was previously planned in last year’s fall economic statement. This means that rather than the “very different approach” that Canadians have been promised, the Carney government may continue (or even worsen) the same costly habits of endless borrowing and rising debt.

The PBO is right to call out the major transparency issues with the Carney government’s new budget framework and fiscal anchor. While the devil will be in the details of the government’s fiscal plan, and we won’t know those details until it releases a budget, the government’s new fiscal anchor gives the appearance of prudence without the substance to back it up.

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