Business
Why Canada’s Failure to Act on Crime and Espionage May Be Irreversible
By Garry Clement
Clement: As a former RCMP officer who tracked global narco-finance and espionage, I believe we’re running out of time. Only a radical overhaul of our national security system can stop the erosion.
The Gathering Storm: Where Organized Crime Meets Espionage
From my earliest days in the RCMP through years embedded with global financial intelligence units, one reality has remained consistent—and it’s now accelerating: Canada is a soft target.
In Undercover in the Shady World of Organized Crime, I chronicled how criminal empires—from Italian syndicates to Asian Triads—operated in the shadows, laundering vast fortunes through our banks, casinos, and real estate. Back then, the fight was tactical. Today, it’s existential.
We are witnessing a merger of interests between transnational organized crime (TOC) and hostile foreign states. China’s United Front Work Department and the PRC’s intelligence arms don’t just exploit criminal infrastructure—they integrate with it. Safe houses, shell companies, and crypto laundering chains—they’re tools of both cartels and foreign governments. This convergence is the new hybrid threat, and Canada has not adapted.
Law Enforcement Paralysis: A System in Denial
Organized Crime: A “Geopolitical Weapon”
- CSIS reports that approximately 668 organized crime groups operate across Canada; 7 are considered “high-level threats,” with 45% active beyond provincial borders.
- Fentanyl superlabs in BC, Ontario, and Quebec show rising domestic drug production and export, including to the U.S., Europe, and Australia.
- Money laundering—estimated at $45–113 billion annually through real estate, casinos, banks, and crypto—is systemic and undermines fiscal and institutional integrity.
- Experts have warned in reporting by The Bureau: Organized crime networks are now “geopolitical weapons,” destabilizing communities, overwhelming services, and weakening borders.
In Canada Under Siege, I outline how our institutions—political, financial, and judicial—are outpaced by threat actors. As recently as 2024, CSIS acknowledged over 668 organized crime groups operating domestically. Yet funding, resources, and political will remain grossly inadequate.
Canada’s failure to implement meaningful anti–money laundering reforms—despite the Cullen Commission and FATF warnings—has left us vulnerable to becoming a hub for global illicit finance. We talk transparency while foreign-backed actors launder fentanyl profits through Vancouver condos. I’ve seen the evidence. We have the tools—but not the leadership.
RCMP units are still hamstrung by bureaucracy, resource gaps, and turf wars. Cybercrime enforcement? Understaffed and reactive. We’re deploying 20th-century structures against 21st-century adversaries.
The big problem: Canada’s enforcement remains under-resourced, fragmented, and reactive—threatening public health, safety, and economic integrity.
Foreign Interference: The Invisible Siege
Growing State Espionage & Foreign Interference
- CSIS confirms Canada faces sophisticated espionage threats from China, Russia, India, Iran, and others through person-to-person networks, digital campaigns, and elite infiltration.
- China is deemed Canada’s highest espionage threat, targeting democracy, research, institutions, and diaspora—using both overt and covert influence tactics over years.
- The Hogue Inquiry (2025) confirms foreign interference attempts in Canadian elections by China, India, and Russia—though so far deemed marginal and ineffective—while highlighting disinformation as the larger threat.
- Government steps include Bill C-70 (Countering Foreign Interference Act), an enhanced SITE Task Force, and CSIS/RCMP/CSE cooperation—but critics say responses lag behind evolving threats.
The revelations of China’s political interference, as outlined in the Hogue Inquiry, confirm what many of us in the intelligence world have warned about for years: that Canada has become a permissive environment for hostile influence operations.
China’s interference isn’t just about elections. It’s about long-term institutional capture—of universities, diaspora communities, tech sectors, and political offices. In both books, I detail how these efforts unfold: co-opting community leaders, silencing dissidents, and using underground banking to fund espionage and coercion.
Russia and Iran, too, are exploiting our open society—not through tanks or drones, but through hackers, gang proxies, and cyber psyops. These threats are not tomorrow’s—they are today’s battlefield.
Fiscal Reality vs. National Security: The Price of Delay
The rising national debt and aging population are limiting fiscal space. Yet the cost of inaction is even higher. If Canada doesn’t fund its intelligence, law enforcement, and border protection appropriately, we are essentially ceding sovereignty—incrementally and invisibly.
In Canada Under Siege, I argue this is a strategic moment. Investments in threat mitigation now—cybercrime squads, a national AML agency, a foreign influence registry—will pay long-term dividends. The longer we wait, the higher the cost of cleanup.
Canada is not yet lost. But as someone who’s spent five decades in the trenches—tracking narco dollars, interrogating gang members, briefing governments—I’ll say this:
We can’t keep policing yesterday’s crime with yesterday’s mindset.
The country must:
- Empower CSIS and FINTRAC with prosecutorial pathways.
- Create a standalone national enforcement agency for money laundering.
- Treat foreign interference as a national security emergency, not a partisan hot potato.
- Forge stronger partnerships with Five Eyes allies to share intelligence, tech, and rapid-response capabilities.
We can protect Canada. But not by looking away.
Former senior RCMP officer Garry Clement is author with Dean Baxendale and Michel Juneau Katsuya of the forthcoming book Canada Under Siege. He consults with corporations on anti-money laundering, contributed to the Canadian academic text Dirty Money, and wrote Undercover, In the Shady World of Organized Crime and the RCMP
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Business
P.E.I. Moves to Open IRAC Files, Forcing Land Regulator to Publish Reports After The Bureau’s Investigation
Following an exclusive report from The Bureau detailing transparency concerns at Prince Edward Island’s land regulator — and a migration of lawyers from firms that represented the Buddhist land-owning entities the regulator had already probed — the P.E.I. Legislature has passed a new law forcing the Island Regulatory and Appeals Commission (IRAC) to make its land-investigation reports public.
The bill — introduced by Green Party Leader Matt MacFarlane — passed unanimously on Wednesday, CTV News reported. It amends the Lands Protection Act to require IRAC to table final investigation reports and supporting documents in the Legislature within 15 days of completion.
MacFarlane told CTV the reform was necessary because “public trust … is at an all-time low in the system,” adding that “if Islanders can see that work is getting done, that the (LPA) is being properly administered and enforced, that will get some trust rebuilt in this body.”
The Bureau’s report last week underscored that concern, showing how lawyers from Cox & Palmer — the firm representing the Buddhist landholders — steadily moved into senior IRAC positions after the regulator quietly shut down its mandated probe into those same entities. The issue exploded this fall when a Legislative Committee subpoena confirmed that IRAC’s oft-cited 2016–2018 investigation had never produced a final report at all.
There have been reports, including from CBC, that the Buddhist landholders have ties to a Chinese Communist Party entity, which leaders from the group deny.
In the years following IRAC’s cancelled probe into the Buddhist landholders, The Bureau reported, Cox & Palmer’s general counsel and director of land joined IRAC, and the migration of senior former lawyers culminated this spring, with former premier Dennis King appointing his own chief of staff, longtime Cox & Palmer partner Pam Williams, as IRAC chair shortly after the province’s land minister ordered the regulator to reopen a probe into Buddhist landholdings.
The law firm did not respond to questions, while IRAC said it has strong measures in place to guard against any conflicted decision-making.
Reporting on the overall matter, The Bureau wrote that:
“The integrity of the institution has, in effect, become a test of public confidence — or increasingly, of public disbelief. When Minister of Housing, Land and Communities Steven Myers ordered IRAC in February 2025 to release the 2016–2018 report and reopen the investigation, the commission did not comply … Myers later resigned in October 2025. Days afterward, the Legislative Committee on Natural Resources subpoenaed IRAC to produce the report. The commission replied that no formal report had ever been prepared.”
The Bureau’s investigation also showed that the Buddhist entities under review control assets exceeding $480 million, and there is also a planned $185-million campus development in the Town of Three Rivers, citing concerns that such financial power, combined with a revolving door between key law firms, political offices and the regulator, risks undermining confidence in P.E.I.’s land-oversight regime.
Wednesday’s new law converts the expectation for transparency at IRAC, voiced loudly by numerous citizens in this small province of about 170,000, into a statutory obligation.
Housing, Land and Communities Minister Cory Deagle told CTV the government supported the bill: “We do have concerns about some aspects of it, but the main principles of what you’re trying to achieve are a good thing.”
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Business
Mark Carney Seeks to Replace Fiscal Watchdog with Loyal Lapdog
After scathing warnings from interim budget officer Jason Jacques, Liberals move to silence dissent and install a compliant insider with “tact and discretion.”
It’s remarkable, isn’t it? After a decade of gaslighting Canadians about their so-called “fiscally responsible” governance, the Liberal Party, now under the direction of Mark Carney, finally runs into a problem they can’t spin: someone told the truth. Jason Jacques, the interim Parliamentary Budget Officer, was appointed for six months, six months. And within weeks, he did something this government considers a fireable offense: he read the books, looked at the numbers, and spoke plainly. That’s it. His crime? Honesty.
Here’s what he found. First, the deficit. Remember when Trudeau said “the budget will balance itself”? That myth has now mutated into a projected $68.5 billion deficit for 2025–26, up from $51.7 billion the year before. Jacques didn’t just disagree with it. He called it “stupefying,” “shocking,” and, this is the one they hate the most, “unsustainable.” Because if there’s one thing Ottawa elites can’t handle, it’s accountability from someone who doesn’t need a job after this.
But Jacques didn’t stop there. He pointed out that this government has no fiscal anchor. None. Not even a fake one. A fiscal anchor is a target, like a deficit limit or a falling debt-to-GDP ratio—basic stuff for any country pretending to manage its money. Jacques said the Liberals have abandoned even that pretense. In his words, there’s no clear framework. Just blind spending. No roadmap. No compass. No brakes.
And speaking of GDP, here’s the kicker: the debt-to-GDP ratio, which Trudeau once swore would always go down, is now heading up. Jacques projects it rising from 41.7% in 2024–25 to over 43% by 2030–31. And what happens when debt rises and growth slows? You pay more just to service the interest. That’s exactly what Jacques warned. He said the cost of carrying the debt is eating into core government operations. That means fewer services. Higher taxes. Slower growth. The burden gets passed to your children while Mark Carney gives another speech in Zurich about “inclusive capitalism.”
And let’s talk about definitions. Jacques flagged that the Liberals are now muddying the waters on what counts as operating spending versus capital spending. Why does that matter? Because if you redefine the terms, you can claim to be balancing the “operating budget” while secretly racking up long-term debt. It’s accounting gimmickry, a shell game with your tax dollars.
He also pointed to unaccounted spending, about $20 billion a year in campaign promises that haven’t even been formally costed yet. Add that to their multi-decade defense commitments, green subsidies, and inflated federal payroll, and you’re looking at an avalanche of unmodeled liabilities.
And just to make this circus complete, Jacques even criticized the way his own office was filled. The Prime Minister can handpick an interim PBO with zero parliamentary input. No transparency. No debate. Just a quiet appointment, until the appointee grows a spine and tells the public what’s really going on.
Now the Liberals are racing to replace Jacques. Why? Because he said all of this publicly. Because he didn’t play ball. Because his office dared to function as it was intended: independently. They’re looking for someone with “tact and discretion.” That’s what the job listing says. Not independence. Not integrity. Tact. Discretion. In other words: someone who’ll sit down, shut up, and nod politely while Carney and Champagne burn through another $100 billion pretending it’s “investment.”
Let’s be clear: this isn’t just about replacing a bureaucrat. It’s about neutering the last shred of fiscal oversight left in Ottawa. The Parliamentary Budget Officer is supposed to be a firewall between reckless political ambition and your wallet. But in Carney’s Canada, independence is an inconvenience. So now, instead of extending Jacques’ term, something that would preserve continuity and show respect for accountability, the Liberals are shopping for a compliant technocrat. Someone who won’t call a $68.5 billion deficit “stupefying.” Someone who’ll massage the numbers just enough to keep the illusion intact.
They don’t want an economist. They want a courtier. Someone with just enough credentials to fake credibility, and just enough cowardice to keep their mouth shut when the spending blows past every so-called “anchor” they once pretended to respect. That’s the game. Keep the optics clean. Keep the watchdog muzzled. And keep Canadians in the dark while this government drives the country off a fiscal cliff.
But let me say it plainly, thank god someone in this country still believes in accountability. Thank God Jason Jacques stepped into that office and had the guts to tell the truth, not just to Parliament, but to the Canadian people. And thank God Pierre Poilievre has the common sense, the spine, and the clarity to back him. While Mark Carney and his Laurentian elite pals are busy gutting oversight, rewriting the rules, and flooding the economy with borrowed billions, it’s men like Jacques who refuse to play along. He looked at the books and didn’t see “investment”—he saw a ticking fiscal time bomb. And instead of ducking, he sounded the alarm.
Poilievre, to his credit, is standing firmly behind the man. He understands that without a real watchdog, Parliament becomes a stage play, just actors and scripts, no substance. Backing Jacques isn’t just good politics. It’s basic sanity. It’s the minimum standard for anyone who still thinks this country should live within its means, tell the truth about its finances, and respect the people footing the bill.
So while the Liberals scramble to muzzle dissent and hire another smiling yes-man with a resume full of buzzwords and a Rolodex full of Davos invites, at least one opposition leader is saying: No. We need a watchdog, not a lapdog. And in a city full of spineless bureaucrats, that’s not just refreshing—it’s absolutely essential.
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