National
We Tried To Warn Them

From the National Citizens Coalition
By Alexander Brown
After a week of open insults to Western Canada and Canada’s great energy producers, a refusal to address the generational housing crisis concerns held by millions of Canadians, and (another) refusal to table a federal budget, one might be forgiven for assuming we’re living the last decade all over again.
But in many ways, so far, we are.
“This has been as bad a start as it can get,” I put in a press release Thursday morning, and on that, there can be little doubt.
Gregor Robertson, Carney’s new housing minister, already represents a Brantford Boomer-style middle-finger to young and working Canadians. The architect of Vancouver’s historic affordability crisis, and one of the pioneer early-allowers of the ‘Vancouver model’ of foreign investment fraud, Robertson, just days into his federal role, declared that home prices “don’t need to come down,” dismissing the struggles of millions of Canadians priced out of the market. This tone-deaf stance, his apparent refusal to understand basic principles of supply and demand, coupled with his track record of overseeing Vancouver’s affordability crisis and the price of new homes soaring by 140%, suggests the Liberals have no plan to deliver on their promise to allow Canadian under-50s back into the housing market.
On pipelines and the dire need to kill Bill C-69, both Steven Guilbeault — a walking, talking unity crisis — and Dominic LeBlanc have already contradicted Mark Carney’s carefully-worded half-promises on becoming an “energy superpower.” The provinces may well be committed to working together — even, perhaps surprisingly, Carney’s Liberal-lite allies at Queen’s Park — but if the feds continue to be adversarial towards Canadian unity and prosperity, the doldrums of the past few years won’t just continue — they’ll accelerate.
On budgets — well, there isn’t one. (Maybe a mini one in the fall.) Still coasting on the convenient excuse of Donald Trump, even with those elbows down already, the Carney PMO, run by the same Trudeau advisers, who champion the PM as some “economic genius” (the collapse of GFANZ would suggest otherwise), have picked up right where Justin left off when it comes to economic unaccountability.
The decision to appoint Sean Fraser as minister of justice is just as troubling. Fraser, who previously oversaw historically unsustainable immigration levels as immigration minister and delivered no measurable results as housing minister, now takes on a justice portfolio at a time when random violent attacks are leaving families shaken across Canada. Reports of stabbings, assaults, and public safety breakdowns dominate headlines, yet Fraser’s early comments suggest he may prioritize working from home over tackling the crime wave head-on. Canadians need a justice minister focused on restoring safety and locking up criminals, not one repeatedly failing upward into another role he’s unprepared to handle. Like the endless healthcare wait-times coupled with unvetted mass-immigration, the continuation of a status-quo on drugs, crime, chaos, and catch-and-release will quite literally kill, and kill by the thousands.
On all of this, the hollowness of “elbows up,” the cynical fear-mongering, the blaringly-obvious rhetorical hedges to ever avoid saying “oil,” “gas,” or “pipeline” on the campaign trail, the lack of movement on crime or chaos, and the threat of more of the same on housing, we tried to warn Liberal voters.
That it didn’t matter to them, that it still won’t, will be a source of frustration and alienation that doesn’t bode well for the future of ‘Team Canada,’ if that team still even exists at all. You deserved better. Your kids and grandkids deserved better. There’s still time to right some of this wrong, to soften the beginnings of a new lost Liberal decade, that, together, we may mercifully cut short. But this is bad. There’s no beating around the bush.
We tried. We failed. They failed.
We get up, and try again.
Alexander Brown is the Director of the National Citizens Coalition.
Business
Canada’s critical minerals are key to negotiating with Trump

From Resource Works
The United States wants to break its reliance on China for minerals, giving Canada a distinct advantage.
Trade issues were top of mind when United States President Donald Trump landed in Kananaskis, Alberta, for the G7 Summit. As he was met by Prime Minister Mark Carney, Canada’s vast supply of critical minerals loomed large over a potential trade deal between North America’s two largest countries.
Although Trump’s appearance at the G7 Summit was cut short by the outbreak of open hostilities between Iran and Israel, the occasion still marked a turning point in commercial and economic relations between Canada and the U.S. Whether they worsen or improve remains to be seen, but given Trump’s strategy of breaking American dependence on China for critical minerals, Canada is in a favourable position.
Despite the president’s early exit, he and Prime Minister Carney signed an accord that pledged to strike a Canada-US trade deal within 30 days.
Canada’s minerals are a natural advantage during trade talks due to the rise in worldwide demand for them. Without the minerals that Canada can produce and export, it is impossible to power modern industries like defence, renewable energy, and electric vehicles (EV).
Nickel, gallium, germanium, cobalt, graphite, and tungsten can all be found in Canada, and the U.S. will need them to maintain its leadership in the fields of technology and economics.
The fallout from Trump’s tough talk on tariff policy and his musings about annexing Canada have only increased the importance of mineral security. The president’s plan extends beyond the economy and is vital for his strategy of protecting American geopolitical interests.
Currently, the U.S. remains dependent on China for rare earth minerals, and this is a major handicap due to their rivalry with Beijing. Canada has been named as a key partner and ally in addressing that strategic gap.
Canada currently holds 34 critical minerals, offering a crucial potential advantage to the U.S. and a strategic alternative to the near-monopoly currently held by the Chinese. The Ring of Fire, a vast region of northern Ontario, is a treasure trove of critical minerals and has long been discussed as a future powerhouse of Canadian mining.
Ontario’s provincial government is spearheading the region’s development and is moving fast with legislation intended to speed up and streamline that process. In Ottawa, there is agreement between the Liberal government and Conservative opposition that the Ring of Fire needs to be developed to bolster the Canadian economy and national trade strategies.
Whether Canada comes away from the negotiations with the US in a stronger or weaker place will depend on the federal government’s willingness to make hard choices. One of those will be ramping up development, which can just as easily excite local communities as it can upset them.
One of the great drags on the Canadian economy over the past decade has been the inability to finish projects in a timely manner, especially in the natural resource sector. There was no good reason for the Trans Mountain pipeline expansion to take over a decade to complete, and for new mines to still take nearly twice that amount of time to be completed.
Canada is already an energy powerhouse and can very easily turn itself into a superpower in that sector. With that should come the ambition to unlock our mineral potential to complement that. Whether it be energy, water, uranium, or minerals, Canada has everything it needs to become the democratic world’s supplier of choice in the modern economy.
Given that world trade is in flux and its future is uncertain, it is better for Canada to enter that future from a place of strength, not weakness. There is no other choice.
Economy
Ottawa’s muddy energy policy leaves more questions than answers

From the Fraser Institute
Based on the recent throne speech (delivered by a King, no less) and subsequent periodic statements from Prime Minister Carney, the new federal government seems stuck in an ambiguous and ill-defined state of energy policy, leaving much open to question.
After meeting with the premiers earlier this month, the prime minister talked about “decarbonized barrels” of oil, which didn’t clarify matters much. We also have a stated goal of making Canada the world’s “leading energy superpower” in both clean and conventional energy. If “conventional energy” includes oil and gas (although we’re not sure), this could represent a reversal of the Trudeau government’s plan to phase-out fossil fuel use in Canada over the next few decades. Of course, if it only refers to hydro and nuclear (also forms of conventional energy) it might not.
According to the throne speech, the Carney government will work “closely with provinces, territories, and Indigenous Peoples to identify and catalyse projects of national significance. Projects that will connect Canada, that will deepen Canada’s ties with the world, and that will create high-paying jobs for generations.” That could mean more oil and gas pipelines, but then again, it might not—it might only refer to power transmission infrastructure for wind and solar power. Again, the government hasn’t been specific.
The throne speech was a bit more specific on the topic of regulatory reform and the federal impact assessment process for energy projects. Per the speech, a new “Major Federal Project Office” will ensure the time needed to approve projects will be reduced from the currently statutory limit of five years to two. Also, the government will strike cooperation agreements with interested provinces and territories within six months to establish a review standard of “one project, one review.” All of this, of course, is to take place while “upholding Canada’s world-leading environmental standards and its constitutional obligations to Indigenous Peoples.” However, what types of projects are likely to be approved is not discussed. Could be oil and gas, could be only wind and solar.
Potentially good stuff, but ill-defined, and without reference to the hard roadblocks the Trudeau government erected over the last decade that might thwart this vision.
For example, in 2019 the Trudeau government enacted Bill C-48 (a.k.a. the “Tanker Ban Bill”), which changed regulations for large oil transports coming and going from ports on British Columbia’s northern coast, effectively banning such shipments and limiting the ability of Canadian firms to export to non-U.S. markets. Scrapping C-48 would remove one obstacle from the government’s agenda.
In 2023, the Trudeau government introduced a cap on Canadian oil and gas-related greenhouse gas emissions, and in 2024, adopted major new regulations for methane emissions in the oil and gas sector, which will almost inevitably raise costs and curtail production. Removing these regulatory burdens from Canada’s energy sector would also help Canada achieve energy superpower status.
Finally, in 2024, the Trudeau government instituted new electricity regulations that will likely drive electricity rates through the roof, while ushering in an age of less-reliable electricity supply: a two-handed slap to Canadian energy consumers. Remember, the throne speech also called for building a more “affordable” Canada—eliminating these onerous regulations would help.
In summation, while the waters remain somewhat muddy, the Carney government appears to have some good ideas for Canadian energy policy. But it must act and enact some hard legislative and regulatory reforms to realize the positive promises of good policy.
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