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Crime

The Bureau Exclusive: Chinese–Mexican Syndicate Shipping Methods Exposed — Vancouver as a Global Meth Hub

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Canada has become a strategic transshipment and production hub for synthetic narcotics sourced from China’s chemical and Triad-linked supply base, feeding the lucrative Pacific drug markets.

The case of Fatima Qurban-Ali, a 30-year-old Canadian sentenced recently in New Zealand for attempting to import nearly 10 kilograms of crystal methamphetamine on a flight from Vancouver — coerced at gunpoint by a transnational drug syndicate, the court heard — has illuminated a troubling global pattern.

Across a series of recent prosecutions, New Zealand Customs records and sentencing reports show that Canada — particularly Vancouver’s port and airport — has become a major node in the production and shipment of synthetic narcotics by networks supplied through China-based syndicates and Mexican cartels.

Qurban-Ali, an immigrant from Afghanistan whose brother worked as a translator for U.S. and New Zealand forces, arrived in Auckland from Vancouver on December 8, 2024, carrying a red duffel bag filled with packages wrapped in festive paper. Inside, Customs officers found 9.9 kilograms of methamphetamine with an 80 percent purity — a haul valued at roughly NZ$2.9 million.

At her sentencing in Manukau District Court, the judge accepted that Qurban-Ali had acted under threat of violence. Evidence showed she had been lured under false pretences — told she would provide “bottle service” for wealthy clients at a private event similar to ones she’d worked in Vancouver — only to be threatened at gunpoint when she tried to back out.

Her lawyer said Qurban-Ali, an honours graduate who had worked with Indigenous communities in Canada, was “extremely susceptible and vulnerable” to manipulation. Her brother, an interpreter for the U.S. military who once assisted New Zealand forces in Afghanistan, has been missing since 2021.

The judge agreed her case was consistent with coercive recruitment — “how international syndicates tend to obtain their couriers and custodians” — and imposed a three-year, two-month sentence. But as New Zealand’s Stuff reported, her story was part of a larger trend. Just thirty minutes earlier, another Canadian, David Blanchard, was convicted for smuggling a similar quantity of methamphetamine — his crime driven by addiction and the promise of quick money.

Also in August 2025, Customs records show, authorities intercepted a 124-kilogram shipment of methamphetamine concealed in machinery parts shipped by air freight from Canada and allegedly linked to the Auckland-based Killer Beez gang. The drugs’ street value exceeded NZ$37 million.

Police said the operation — dubbed Vault — followed a series of “dry runs” in June consisting of machine-part shipments from Canada designed to test border vulnerabilities.

In September 2025, a 23-year-old Canadian woman received six years’ imprisonment after Customs officers found 15 kilograms of methamphetamine in her luggage on a flight from Vancouver.

And from The Bureau’s earlier reporting, three men were convicted last week in the largest methamphetamine seizure ever recorded at New Zealand’s border — 713.8 kilograms of the drug disguised as maple-syrup bottles, shipped from Vancouver’s port in January 2023. That single load carried an estimated social-harm value of NZ$800 million.

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Together, these prosecutions reveal a striking pattern: repeated meth consignments originating in Canada, exploiting both air-cargo and passenger routes to penetrate New Zealand’s lucrative market.

Former U.S. DEA Operations Chief Derek Maltz, who led international cartel investigations under Project Sentry, told The Bureau the trend emerging in New Zealand and Australia mirrors what he has tracked globally. Chinese and Mexican criminal networks — with Chinese actors supplying chemical precursors and laundering proceeds from fentanyl, methamphetamine, and cocaine, and Mexican cartels managing large-scale production and distribution — have been shifting parts of their operations beyond Mexico, into countries including Canada.

“They’re getting inundated in Australia with cocaine. Same with New Zealand. And now, of course, they’re getting hit with fentanyl shipments. And I believe — I don’t have proof of this — that a lot of it’s coming from these Canadian production operations,” Maltz said.

His assessment aligns with mounting evidence from both hemispheres: Canada has become a strategic transshipment and production hub for synthetic narcotics sourced from China’s chemical and Triad-linked supply base, feeding the lucrative Pacific drug markets.

The deeper roots of the network now targeting New Zealand — which investigators believe include elite Chinese Triad leadership operating from mainland China, Hong Kong, and Canada — stretch back several years. In 2023, Hong Kong national Chi Pang Li was sentenced to ten years and four months in prison after a New Zealand Customs investigation uncovered a parcel-post smuggling operation that moved 20.9 kilograms of methamphetamine from Canada into New Zealand.

Investigators found nine packages of methamphetamine hidden inside tubs of protein powder, each parcel weighing more than two kilograms. All were traced to Canadian postal origins, revealing an organized trafficking route already linking Canadian exporters to Chinese supply sources.

The methods Li’s network used in New Zealand — employing fictitious names and short-term Auckland rental addresses to receive deliveries — mirror techniques seen in Canada, where chemical-precursor shipments from China are processed in a sprawling network of drug labs across British Columbia, according to The Bureau’s  investigations.

A Canadian police intelligence source said Chinese networks are exploiting Canada’s Non-Resident Import system, which allows foreign nationals to receive opaque shipments from China under minimal scrutiny.

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Customs Manager Cam Moore said Li first entered New Zealand legally from Hong Kong in 2018 as part of a tour group but disappeared the day before departure.

“Li remained in New Zealand unlawfully and, as Customs’ investigations uncovered, he embarked on a smuggling enterprise that involved bringing significant quantities of drugs into New Zealand, which imposed both social and economic harm on our country,” Moore said.

Li’s methods — using Canadian postal channels, false identities, and short-term rental addresses in New Zealand — foreshadowed the much larger air-freight and maritime consignments that followed. His case shows that by 2020, Chinese non-resident import-export networks operating through Canada were already coordinating narcotics flows into Oceania, embedding operatives on both the export and import sides. They exploited the lighter scrutiny applied to Canadian shipments compared with direct exports from China, turning Canada into a preferred staging ground for the global synthetic-drug trade.

A Canadian intelligence source told The Bureau that shipping facilities in Richmond — a predominantly Chinese-immigrant municipality within metropolitan Vancouver that hosts both port and airport infrastructure — have become key staging points where Asian organized-crime networks package synthetic narcotics and marijuana for shipment across the Asia-Pacific and into the United States, often concealing drugs within legally traded goods such as furniture and industrial materials.

Seafood production and shipping facilities have also been used by Triad networks in Richmond and Toronto to export methamphetamine from Canada, the source said.

The Vancouver-area Chinese networks have deep ties to Beijing’s foreign-interference and intelligence arm, the United Front Work Department, according to Canadian intelligence and a report by former U.S. intelligence official David Luna.

Across North America, sources confirmed to The Bureau, transnational crime networks are using commercial-trucking fleets to move narcotics across the northern border, exploiting the sheer volume of legitimate trade between Canada and the United States.

The issue has now reached Canada’s political arena. With President Donald Trump’s administration placing renewed pressure on Ottawa over cross-border fentanyl trafficking, Parliament is debating legislation to strengthen export controls — including greater powers to inspect postal shipments and tighten border-inspection regimes.

Some North American media outlets have criticized Washington’s stance as unfairly portraying Canada as a source country for fentanyl. Yet within law-enforcement circles, the concern is real: transnational synthetic-narcotics syndicates originating in China — and operating through Latin American cartel networks — have exploited Canada’s porous ports and liberal trade systems for years.

What began with mail-order protein powder, visa fraud, and exploitation of Canada’s Non-Resident Import system — as New Zealand’s case against Hong Kong national Chi Pang Li demonstrated — has evolved into multi-tonne, containerized narcotics traffic: evidence that Canada’s Pacific gateways have become critical arteries in the global synthetic-drug economy, connecting China’s chemical suppliers, cartel logistics networks, and Oceania’s growing demand.

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CBSA Bust Uncovers Mexican Cartel Network in Montreal High-Rise, Moving Hundreds Across Canada-U.S. Border

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A court document cited by La Presse in prior reporting on the case.

A major figure in an alleged Mexican cartel human-trafficking network pleaded guilty in a Montreal courthouse last week and now faces removal from Canada for conspiring to organize and facilitate the illegal entry of migrants into the United States.

The conviction targets Edgar Gonzalez de Paz, 37, a Mexican national identified in court evidence as a key organizer in a Montreal-based smuggling network that La Presse documented in March through numerous legal filings.

According to the Canada Border Services Agency, Gonzalez de Paz’s guilty plea acknowledges that he arranged a clandestine crossing for seven migrants on January 27–28, 2024, in exchange for money. He had earlier been arrested and charged with avoiding examination and returning to Canada without authorization.

Breaking the story in March, La Presse reported: “A Mexican criminal organization has established itself in Montreal, where it is making a fortune by illegally smuggling hundreds of migrants across the Canada-U.S. border. Thanks to the seizure of two accounting ledgers, Canadian authorities have gained unprecedented access to the group’s secrets, which they hope to dismantle in the coming months.”

La Presse said the Mexico-based organization ran crossings in both directions — Quebec to the United States and vice versa — through roughly ten collaborators, some family-linked, charging $5,000 to $6,000 per trip and generating at least $1 million in seven months.

The notebooks seized by CBSA listed clients, guarantors, recruiters in Mexico, and accomplices on the U.S. side. In one April 20, 2024 interception near the border, police stopped a vehicle registered to Gonzalez de Paz and, according to evidence cited by La Presse, identified him as one of the “main organizers,” operating without legal status from a René-Lévesque Boulevard condo that served as headquarters.

Seizures included cellphones, a black notebook, and cocaine. A roommate’s second notebook helped authorities tally about 200 migrants and more than $1 million in receipts.

“This type of criminal organization is ruthless and often threatens customers if they do not pay, or places them in a vulnerable situation,” a CBSA report filed as evidence stated, according to La Presse.

The Montreal-based organization first appeared on the radar in a rural community of about 400 inhabitants in the southern Montérégie region bordering New York State, La Presse reported, citing court documents.

On the U.S. side of the line, in the Swanton Sector (Vermont and adjoining northern New York and New Hampshire), authorities reported an exceptional surge in 2022–2023 — driven largely by Mexican nationals rerouting via Canada — foreshadowing the Mexican-cartel smuggling described in the CBSA case.

Gonzalez de Paz had entered Canada illegally in 2023, according to La Presse. When officers arrested him, CBSA agents seized 30 grams of cocaine, two cellphones, and a black notebook filled with handwritten notes. In his apartment, they found clothing by Balenciaga, a luxury brand whose T-shirts retail for roughly $1,000 each.

Investigators have linked this case to another incident at the same address involving a man named Mario Alberto Perez Gutierrez, a resident of the same condo as early as 2023.

Perez Gutierrez was accompanied by several men known to Canadian authorities for cocaine trafficking, receiving stolen goods, armed robbery, or loitering in the woods near the American border, according to a Montreal Police Service (SPVM) report filed as evidence.

The CBSA argued before the immigration tribunal that Gonzalez de Paz belonged to a group active in human and drug trafficking — “activities usually orchestrated by Mexican cartels.”

As The Bureau has previously reported, Justin Trudeau’s Liberal Cabinet was warned in 2016 that lifting visa requirements for Mexican visitors would “facilitate travel to Canada by Mexicans with criminal records,” potentially including “drug smugglers, human smugglers, recruiters, money launderers and foot soldiers.”

CBSA “serious-crime” flags tied to Mexican nationals rose sharply after the December 2016 visa change. Former CBSA officer Luc Sabourin, in a sworn affidavit cited by The Bureau, alleged that hundreds of cartel-linked operatives entered Canada following the visa lift.

The closure of Roxham Road in 2023 altered migrant flows and increased reliance on organized smugglers — a shift reflected in the ledger-mapped Montreal network and a spike in U.S. northern-border encounters.

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Public Execution of Anti-Cartel Mayor in Michoacán Prompts U.S. Offer to Intervene Against Cartels

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Sam Cooper's avatar Sam Cooper

“I don’t want to be just another mayor on the list of those executed”

On the first night of November, during Day of the Dead celebrations, the independent, anti-cartel mayor of Uruapan in Michoacán, Carlos Manzo, was assassinated in the heart of his city during a public festival. His bloody murder has underscored the deadly risks faced by local officials who may lack adequate protection from a state that critics say is corroded by corruption and penetrated by powerful cartel networks that, in some regions, have supplanted government authority. The killing intensifies urgent questions about political and police corruption, cartel impunity, and the scope of U.S.–Mexico security cooperation — with a response from the U.S. State Department today offering to “deepen security cooperation with Mexico.”

Manzo, a fiercely outspoken anti-cartel mayor who took office in 2024 as Uruapan’s first independent leader, was gunned down as he stood before crowds at the annual Day of the Dead candlelight celebration. Witnesses said gunfire erupted shortly after Manzo appeared onstage, holding his young son moments before the attack. The festival, known locally as the Festival de las Velas, drew hundreds of families to Uruapan’s central plaza — now transformed into the scene of Mexico’s latest high-profile political assassination, and a catalyst for nationwide outrage, as online protests surged and citizens called for demonstrations against cartel violence.

According to early reports, at least two suspects have been detained and one attacker was killed on site. Authorities asserted — despite the success of the attack — that Manzo had been under National Guard protection since December 2024, with additional reinforcements added in May 2025 following credible threats to his life.

In Washington today, the killing drew political reaction. “My thoughts are with the family and friends of Carlos Manzo, mayor of Uruapan, Michoacán, Mexico, who was assassinated at a public Day of the Dead celebration last night. The United States stands ready to deepen security cooperation with Mexico to wipe out organized crime on both sides of the border,” Deputy Secretary of State Christopher Landau, the former U.S. ambassador to Mexico, said in a statement shared online.

Federal Security Minister Omar García Harfuch said the gunmen “took advantage of the vulnerability of a public event” to carry out the attack, despite a standing security perimeter.

President Claudia Sheinbaum condemned the killing as a “vile” assault on democracy and vowed there would be “zero impunity.” Her administration convened an emergency security meeting and pledged that the investigation would reach the “intellectual authors” of the crime. Yet the murder has already ignited outrage across Mexico over the government’s failure to protect local officials in cartel-dominated states such as Michoacán, where extortion, assassinations, and territorial disputes continue to erode basic governance.

Manzo had publicly warned of his fate. “I don’t want to be just another mayor on the list of those executed,” he said earlier this year, as he pressed the federal government for better coordination between municipal and military authorities. For years, Uruapan — an agricultural and trade hub in western Mexico — has been the site of deadly clashes between the Jalisco New Generation Cartel and remnants of the Knights Templar Organization, both vying to control lucrative extortion and drug routes.

The killing of Manzo fits a dark and familiar pattern. In 2025 alone, several mayors in Michoacán, Guerrero, and Tamaulipas have been killed in attacks widely attributed to organized-crime groups. In June, the mayors of Tepalcatepec and Tacámbaro were ambushed and slain while traveling in official convoys. More than 90 local officials have been murdered since 2018 — a rate that analysts say reflects how cartels target municipal governments to ensure political control over territories tied to narcotics, mining, and agriculture. Uruapan, at the heart of Mexico’s avocado belt, is a strategic prize for the cartels that tax every shipment leaving the region.

The mayor’s death also recalls earlier tragedies that scarred the nation. In 2012, Dr. María Santos Gorrostieta Salazar, the former mayor of Tiquicheo, was abducted and murdered after surviving two assassination attempts and defying cartel threats. Her death became emblematic of the dangers faced by reformers who refuse to cooperate with criminal groups. More than a decade later, Manzo’s murder illustrates that little has changed — except the brazenness of the attackers, now willing to strike in front of cameras and families celebrating one of Mexico’s most sacred holidays.

The killing has also reignited long-standing U.S. frustration over Mexico’s inability to stem cartel violence, even as the Trump administration has expanded counter-narcotics operations at the border. Under Trump’s renewed directives, the U.S. has classified several Mexican cartels as foreign terrorist organizations and empowered the Pentagon to develop strike options against high-value targets abroad. A September 2025 joint statement between Washington and Mexico City pledged deeper intelligence sharing and cross-border enforcement initiatives, including efforts to halt arms trafficking southward.

However, Mexico’s government remains deeply wary of any U.S. military involvement on its soil. President Sheinbaum has warned that “Mexico will not stand for an invasion in the name of counter-cartel operations,” rebuffing Republican calls for unilateral action. Her position lays bare a long-standing tension between Mexico’s need for U.S. support and its insistence on sovereignty — a fault line that Manzo’s killing has reignited.

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