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2025 Federal Election

Real Homes vs. Modular Shoeboxes: The Housing Battle Between Poilievre and Carney

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The Opposition with Dan Knight Dan Knight's avatar Dan Knight

Mark Carney’s housing plan is more state control and modular misery.

It’s not every day a Canadian politician offers a clear, structured plan to fix something in this country. But that’s what happened in Scarborough on April 21, when Conservative Leader Pierre Poilievre stepped to the mic and laid out his vision for tackling Canada’s worsening housing crisis—and, more broadly, for dismantling the economic scaffolding the Liberals have spent the last decade building.

Now, to be clear: this wasn’t a moment of messianic deliverance. It was a campaign speech. Poilievre is a politician. He’s trying to win. But the contrast he drew—between a country spiraling into economic stagnation under Trudeau-era policy and one potentially emerging from it—is the real story here. And for the first time in a long time, the Liberals should be worried. Because they’re being outflanked not with bluster, but with structure.

A Decade of Decay

Poilievre opened with what he called the “lost Liberal decade”—ten years of growing inflation, collapsing affordability, increased crime, and institutional arrogance. And he’s not wrong. The cost of living in Canada has exploded. Homeownership—once the cornerstone of middle-class life—has become a distant fantasy for an entire generation. Violent crime is up. Street disorder is normalized. The country is, in practical terms, unrecognizable from what it was even five years ago.

And while Justin Trudeau has technically exited stage left, his policies remain. His advisors remain. And his economic worldview remains—in the person of Mark Carney, the unelected banker now fronting the Liberal Party’s future.

Poilievre made a point of naming him directly: Mark Carney, Trudeau’s economic consigliere, now trying to take the wheel after years behind the curtain. And with him comes a Liberal platform that, incredibly, proposes **$130 billion in new spending—more than Trudeau’s own budget—**without any clarity on how to pay for it, beyond $28 billion in undefined “cuts.”

In Poilievre’s framing, this is not a reset. It’s a continuation. Same agenda. Same inflationary pressure. Same bureaucratic paralysis. And for a country already on the edge, that’s not a choice—it’s a warning.

A Hard Policy Pivot

So what did Poilievre propose?

First, he named a number: 2.3 million new homes built over five years. That alone sets him apart from most of the field, who are still dealing in abstractions and talking points. He detailed how to get there: axe the GST on new housing, penalize municipalities that block construction, unlock 15% of federal land for homebuilding, and—here’s where it gets controversial for polite Ottawa society—cap immigration so the number of newcomers doesn’t outpace the number of homes being built.

Let that sink in.

He said it plainly: you cannot invite more people into the country than you have homes to shelter them. It’s not xenophobic. It’s math. It’s called infrastructure planning, and for some reason, it’s been taboo in federal politics for years. But ask any Canadian renter stuck in a bidding war over a 600-square-foot shoebox if supply and demand matter. They’ll tell you the truth politicians won’t.

Now, some of this is ambitious—perhaps even too ambitious. The housing market is not a light switch. But at least it’s a plan built on reality. The math isn’t ideological. If demand grows faster than supply, prices rise. Period. It’s not controversial unless you live in Ottawa.

Now, some of this is ambitious—perhaps even too ambitious. The housing market is not a light switch. But at least it’s a plan built on reality. The math isn’t ideological. If demand grows faster than supply, prices rise. Period. It’s not controversial unless you live in Ottawa.

Beyond housing, Poilievre’s broader agenda was clear: unleash the resource economy.

He pledged to repeal Bill C-69, kill the emissions cap, approve projects like LNG Canada and LNG Quebec in six months, and end the tanker ban off B.C.’s coast. This, he said, would unlock $500 billion in economic growth over five years. That number might be aggressive, but again—it’s grounded in something Canada used to be good at: developing natural resources.

Carney’s plan, in contrast, leans into centralization, green transition subsidies, and modular housing units dropped on federal land—bureaucracy dressed as boldness.

Law and Order, and the Limits of Civility

Poilievre also spoke plainly about crime. He promised to “lock up criminals and secure the border.” Predictably, the media has called this coded language or dog-whistling. But Canadians living in cities like Toronto or Vancouver don’t need code. They need safety. You can debate tone all you want—but no one debates the crime stats.

On spending, Poilievre said he’d eliminate $10 billion in consultant costs, kill the gun buyback scheme, cut Trudeau’s failed drug programs, and cap government expansion. He promised no cuts to transfers for health or seniors, and pointedly noted that Carney’s vague savings plan relies on the same recycled Trudeau logic: say one thing, do another.

And then there was unity—an issue every federal leader pays lip service to, but few address seriously.

Poilievre’s angle was different. He said national unity isn’t built with slogans—it’s built with shared prosperity. Let Alberta build. Let Quebec profit. Let provinces manage their resources without Ottawa’s suffocating oversight. In a country this large, that’s not radical—it’s overdue.

The Liberal Modular 500k Housing Vision

And then there’s Mark Carney’s housing plan—because of course, the guy who spent the last decade cashing checks in London and New York now thinks he’s going to fix Canada’s housing crisis… with modular homes.

That’s right. Not by fixing the zoning nightmare, or the red tape, or the endless delays that make it impossible to build anything in this country. No—his solution is to give you a government-issued, prefabricated box.

He’s calling it “Build Canada Homes.” A brand new federal agency. Another one. This one will mass-order homes like they’re flat-packed sofas from IKEA, ship them out across the country, and drop them on public land.

This is what happens when you let central bankers do social planning.

Carney’s pitch? Modular homes are faster, cheaper, more climate-friendly. Sure, maybe they are. But that’s not the problem. The reason homes aren’t being built in Canada isn’t because we forgot how to hold a hammer. It’s because the federal government—and Carney’s Liberal friends—buried the housing industry in so much red tape it might as well be a fossil.

We’ve been building houses for a century. We know how to do it. We don’t need new materials. We need to get the bureaucrats out of the way.

But Carney doesn’t see it that way. He wants a centralized agency to handle housing. He wants to finance prefab boxes with public money, dress it all up in climate buzzwords, and call it innovation. You won’t get a home. You’ll get a “low-carbon living module” made from ethically sourced pine.

That’s not a housing plan. That’s a spreadsheet fantasy cooked up by a guy who’s never swung a hammer in his life.

And let’s be honest: he’s not doing this for you.
He’s doing it for himself. To parachute into power. To play savior after spending years abroad. After GFANZ collapsed under his leadership. After every major bank walked away from his climate alliance. And now he’s here, failing upward into the Liberal Party.

So yes, his plan is modular.
Modular, managed, and completely disconnected from reality.

Final Thoughts – This Election Is About the Country We Want Back

Let’s stop pretending this is a normal election. It’s not. This isn’t about policy tweaks or campaign slogans. It’s a war for the soul of the country.

Because what we’re watching is a choice between two paths:

One, where we keep doing what we’ve done for the last ten years—spend, spend, spend, funnel more of your money into the Ottawa swamp, prop up the same broken institutions, and pretend things will magically get better.
Or two—we take it back. We vote Canada First, and we start building a country that works for the people who live here—not for bureaucrats, bankers, or international conference junkies.

And then there’s Mark Carney. The man Liberals are trying to sell as a leader. But he hasn’t spent the last ten years living the consequences of these policies. He wasn’t here while housing collapsed. He wasn’t here while crime went up, groceries doubled, and our energy sector got strangled. He was in New York. London. Davos.

He made his money outside this country, in boardrooms, hedge funds, and private equity—and now he parachutes in, thinking he can land a cheap political win?

No.

That’s not how this is supposed to work.

We don’t want leaders who failed upwards through global institutions. We want leaders who earned their place—by showing up, standing up, and actually fighting for the people who built this country.

Carney’s GFANZ alliance failed. His global climate finance cartel fell apart. And now he’s bringing the same failed philosophy here—central planning, top-down control, and another $130 billion in borrowed promises.

This election isn’t about left versus right.
It’s about Canada versus the machine.
And the machine is bloated, unaccountable, and completely out of touch.

So let me say it as clearly as I can:

If you want prosperity, you don’t fund the swamp.
You drain it.
You fire it.
You replace it with something real.

And you vote for a country that puts its people first—not last.

That’s the choice.

Vote Canada First.

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2025 Federal Election

Post election…the chips fell where they fell

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William Lacey's avatar William Lacey

I put a lot of personal energy into this election, trying to understand why it was that Canadians so wholeheartedly endorsed Mark Carney as their new leader, despite the fact that it was the same party who caused irreparable economic harm to the economy, and he has a similar philosophical outlook to the core outlook of the party. I truly believe that we have moved to a phase in our electoral process where, until something breaks, left leaning ideology will trump the day (pun intended).

Coming out of this election I have three questions.

1. What of Pierre Poilievre? The question for Conservatives is whether the wolves feed on the carcass of Poilievre (in my opinion the worst enemy of a Conservative is a Conservative) and initiate the hunt for a new leader (if they do, I believe the future should be led by a woman – Melissa Lantsman or possibly Caroline Mulroney), or does Poilievre move to Alberta and run for a “safe” seat to get back into the House of Commons, change his tone, and show people he too can be Prime Ministerial? His concession speech gives clues to this.

2. What of Mark Carney? Maybe (hopefully) Carney will see the light and try to bring the nation together, as there is an obvious east-west split in the country in terms of politics. Time will tell, and minority governments need to be cautious. Will we have a Supply and Confidence 2.0 or will we see olive branches extended?

3. What of the House of Commons? As I have mentioned previously, there has been discussion that the House of Commons may not sit until after the summer break, meaning that the House of Commons really will not have conducted any business in almost a year by the time it reconveens. If indeed “we are in the worst crisis of our lives” as Prime Minister Carney campaigned on, then should we not have the House of Commons sit through the summer? After all, the summer break usually is for politicians to go back to their ridings and connect with their constituents, but if an election campaign doesn’t constitute connecting, what does?

Regardless, as the election is behind us, we now need to see what comes. I will try to be hopeful, but remain cautious. May Canada have better days ahead.

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2025 Federal Election

In Defeat, Joe Tay’s Campaign Becomes a Flashpoint for Suspected Voter Intimidation in Canada

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Sam Cooper's avatar Sam Cooper

Canadian police initiated review of campaign complaint.

In one of the most closely scrutinized races of Canada’s 2025 federal election, Joseph Tay—the Conservative candidate identified by federal authorities as the target of aggressive Chinese election interference operations—was defeated Monday night in Don Valley North by Liberal Maggie Chi, following a campaign marred by threats, suspected intimidation, and digital suppression efforts.

The Bureau has learned that Canadian police last week reviewed complaints alleging that members of Tay’s campaign team were shadowed in an intimidating manner while canvassing in the final days of the race. The status of the incident review remains unclear.

With over 20,000 votes—a 43 percent share compared to 53 percent for Liberal Maggie Chi—Tay nearly doubled the Conservative Party’s 2021 vote total of 12,098 in this riding.

Last Monday, federal intelligence officials disclosed that Tay was the subject of a highly coordinated transnational repression operation tied to the People’s Republic of China. The campaign aimed to discredit his candidacy and suppress Chinese Canadian voters’ access to his messaging through cyber and information operations.

That same day, federal police advised Tay to suspend door-to-door canvassing, according to two sources with direct knowledge, citing safety concerns. Several days later, Tay’s campaign reported to police that a man had been trailing a door-knocking team in a threatening manner in a Don Valley North neighbourhood.

Following The Bureau’s reporting, the New York Times wrote on Sunday: “Fearing for his safety, Mr. Tay… has waged perhaps the quietest campaign of any candidate competing in the election. The attacks on Mr. Tay have sought to influence the outcome of the race in Don Valley North, a district with a large Chinese diaspora in Toronto, in what is the most vote-rich region in Canada.”

In a twist, in neighbouring Markham–Unionville, Peter Yuen—the Liberal candidate who replaced former MP Paul Chiang, who had made controversial remarks about Tay being turned over to Chinese officials—was defeated by Conservative candidate Michael Ma. According to Elections Canada’s results, Ma secured the riding by about 2,000 votes.

Tay and his campaign team had conducted extensive groundwork in Markham–Unionville earlier this year, where he publicly announced his intention to seek the Conservative nomination in January. However, the party ultimately assigned him on March 24 to Don Valley North—a riding that, according to the 2024 report of the National Security and Intelligence Committee of Parliamentarians (NSICOP), was the site of serious foreign interference by the People’s Republic of China during the 2019 election.

At 2 a.m., Tay posted a message to X thanking supporters: “By God’s grace, though we did not win tonight, we have already won something far greater—the courage to stand, to speak, and to dream together.”

Signaling he may run again, Tay added: “Our journey does not end here. I remain committed to upholding Canadian values—freedom, respect, and community—and will continue to serve and help build a wholesome, principled community in every way I can.”

Last Monday, SITE—Canada’s election-threat monitoring task force—confirmed that Tay was the target of a coordinated online disinformation campaign, warning in briefing materials that “this was not about a single post” but a “deliberate, persistent campaign” designed to distort visibility and suppress legitimate discourse among Chinese-speaking voters.

The tactics bore striking resemblance to interference allegations uncovered by The Bureau during the 2021 federal election, when Conservative MP Bob Saroya was unseated in Markham–Unionville amid allegations that operatives linked to the Chinese government had shadowed Saroya, surveilled his campaign, and sought to intimidate voters. Senior Conservative officials said CSIS provided briefings at the time warning of what they described as “coordinated and alarming” surveillance efforts.

In Tay’s case, official sources confirmed that Chinese-language platforms circulated disinformation framing him as a fugitive, invoking his Hong Kong National Security Law bounty—set at $180,000 CAD—to portray his candidacy as a threat to Canada.

Earlier this month, The Bureau reported that former Liberal MP Paul Chiang—who defeated Conservative incumbent Bob Saroya in 2021—withdrew as a candidate after the RCMP opened a review into remarks he made suggesting that Joe Tay’s election could spark “great controversy” for Canada because of Hong Kong’s national security charges, and that Tay could be handed over to the Chinese consulate to collect a bounty. Chiang later apologized, describing the comments as a poorly judged joke. However, prominent diaspora organizations and human rights groups condemned the remarks as a disturbing example of rhetoric echoing transnational repression.

According to SITE assessments reviewed by The Bureau, coordinated suppression efforts were particularly acute in Don Valley North, where Tay’s online visibility was sharply curtailed across Chinese-language social media ecosystems.

The status of the RCMP’s review into Chiang’s remarks—and a separate complaint to Toronto police alleging that Tay’s campaign staff may have been intimidated while canvassing—remains unclear.

With Mark Carney’s Liberals securing a narrow minority and Canada’s political landscape growing increasingly polarized—against the backdrop of an intensifying cold war between Washington and Beijing—some pundits predict voters could be heading back to the polls sooner than expected. Whether election threat reviewers will now dig deeper into China’s suspected interference in this and other ridings remains an open question.

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