Energy
Oil tankers in Vancouver are loading plenty, but they can load even more

From Resource Works
Despite years of protest, ballooning costs, and political hurdles, the federally funded TMX pipeline expansion has become a strategic economic success story for Canada.
The federally funded expansion of the Trans Mountain oil pipeline from Alberta to tidewater at Burnaby has been much attacked by critics, but has quickly turned into a gold-star success story.
The 980-km expansion, known as TMX, opened in May 2024, almost tripling the capacity of the original (1953) Trans Mountain Pipeline. Since then, TMX has enabled major expansion of our crude oil exports to American and Asian buyers.
It is, says Trans Mountain CEO Mark Maki, “one of the most strategic investments Canada has ever made,” providing Canada with new trading options to Pacific Rim nations in the face of Donald Trump’s tariffs, and bringing in billions in new revenues.
Since opening on May 1, 2024, Trans Mountain has sent half of its tanker shipments to countries other than the US, and half to refineries on the US west coast.
Alberta Central chief economist Charles St-Arnaud said in a report earlier this year that TMX had brought in an extra $10 billion in revenues in 2024, equivalent to “adding a thirteenth month of production to the year.”
The export picture would be even brighter if the Port of Vancouver could accommodate larger loads in departing oil tankers, and that now is being addressed by both federal and provincial governments.
Right now, 245-metre-long Aframax-size tankers can handle up to 120,000 tonnes of oil. But under our port restrictions and limited depths of water in Burrard Inlet, they usually load only up to 96,000 tonnes.
In the BC legislature, Gavin Dew, Conservative MLA for Kelowna-Mission and the Opposition critic for jobs, economic development and innovation, asked if BC and the new federal government are indeed supporting dredging Burrard Inlet to allow fully laden Aframax oil tankers.
The simple reply from Adrian Dix, BC’s minister of energy and climate solutions: “Yes.”
Dix added later in an interview that the idea most recently came from Prime Minister Mark Carney. “Broadly, the premier and us have indicated our support for it,” Dix said.
No plan or timing has yet been announced.
While fully loaded Aframax tankers would carry more oil, they still have to meet requirements that include these: All tankers calling at the Westridge Marine Terminal must first be pre-screened by Trans Mountain to ensure criteria are met for safety and reliability; They must be double-hulled, and have segregated internal cargo tanks; They must have two radar systems in working order, one of them being a specialized collision-avoidance radar. For loading, a containment boom is deployed to enclose the tanker and its berth while loading. The tankers are escorted by tugs, and carry a fully qualified and licensed marine pilot.
There are also upgraded emergency facilities to cope with any spill, but Trans Mountain notes that there has not been a single oil spill from one of its tankers since the original pipeline opened in 1956.
The terminal now can handle some 34 tankers a month.
While a success story now, the TMX expansion went through a lot of pain, protest, obstruction, money, and red tape to get there.
The expansion was first proposed in 2012 by the Canadian division of US pipeline giant Kinder Morgan Inc., which bought the original Trans Mountain pipeline in 2005. It applied in December 2013 for federal approval of expansion, and estimated the cost at $5.4 billion.
The expansion proposal then ran into endless protests, opposition from the BC government (then-premier John Horgan promised to use “every tool in the toolbox” to stop the expansion), and a federal approval process that took almost three years of red tape.
Ottawa’s approval finally came with 157 conditions, and BC’s “toolbox” now included restrictions on any increase in diluted bitumen shipments pending further studies.
By 2018, Kinder Morgan Canada said estimated costs had risen to $7.4 billion, and the company began to send up distress signals.
Ottawa then bought TMX from Kinder Morgan for $4.5 billion, calling the purchase “a serious and necessary investment made in the national interest.”
The feds added: “The completion of this important infrastructure project is making Canada and the Canadian economy more resilient by diversifying global market access for our resources.”
Construction began in the Edmonton area in November 2019. By 2020, though, Trans Mountain said the cost of the expansion had risen to $12.6 billion, and in 2022 the cost was estimated at $21.4 billion, the impact of the COVID-19 pandemic among the reasons. In March 2023, Trans Mountain put the cost at $30.9 billion.
Some of the benefits listed by Ottawa: Opening new markets for Canadian energy exports, reducing our reliance on a single customer, and ensuring that Canada receives fair market value for its resources while maintaining the highest environmental standards; Significantly increasing the royalties and tax revenues that all levels of government receive: According to an independent study, TMX is expected to add $9.2 billion in GDP and $2.8 billion in tax revenues between 2024 and 2043; Contributing to global and regional energy security by providing a secure, long-term supply of energy; Creating economic benefits for many Indigenous groups through contracting, financial compensation, and employment and training opportunities.
But Ottawa has said all along that it would not own the pipeline forever, and that at some point it will divest itself of ownership, and make at least partial ownership available to Indigenous groups.
Trans Mountain CEO Mark Maki now wonders if the feds might postpone that divestment, particularly if they decide TMX shouldn’t be the last oil export pipeline built in Canada.
We await word from the new federal government on its plans.
conflict
How Iran Could Shake Up Global Economy In Response To US Strikes

From the Daily Caller News Foundation
By Audrey Streb
Iran is reportedly weighing blocking a key commercial choke point known as the Strait of Hormuz, a move that could drive up energy costs in the U.S. and across the globe, according to energy sector experts who spoke with the Daily Caller News Foundation.
Israel began to bombard Iran to eliminate the Islamic Republic’s ability to build a nuclear weapon on June 13, and the U.S. carried out “Operation Midnight Hammer” on Saturday night, bombing three of Iran’s nuclear facilities. While Iran’s parliament has reportedly voted to close the Strait of Hormuz in a retaliatory move to choke the world’s oil supply in response to the American strikes, the U.S. is well-positioned to combat the inevitable energy cost spike that would follow if Iran succeeds, sector experts told the DCNF.
“The escalating conflict between Iran and Israel is already putting upward pressure on oil and natural gas prices—and that pressure will intensify if the Strait of Hormuz is blocked,” Trisha Curtis, an economist at the American Energy Institute, told the DCNF. “This kind of disruption would send global prices higher and tighten supply chains. Fortunately, the U.S. is well-positioned to respond — our domestic production strength and growing export infrastructure make American oil and natural gas increasingly indispensable to global markets.”
Iran does not have the legal authority to halt traffic through the strait, meaning it would need to usurp control through force or the threat of force, according to legal scholars and multiple reports. The Iranian parliament’s reported move to block the Strait on Sunday awaits final approval by Iran’s Supreme Council, according to Iran’s Press TV.
The Strait is only 35 to 60 miles wide and connects the Persian Gulf to the Indian Ocean, flowing past Iran, the United Arab Emirates and Oman. The thoroughfare is vital for global trade, as tankers carried one fifth of the world’s oil supply through the Strait of Hormuz in 2024 and the first quarter of 2025, according to data from the U.S. Energy Information Administration.
Roughly 20 million barrels of oil pass through the Strait of Hormuz on a daily basis, Curtis noted. Some liquified natural gas (LNG) exports would also be blocked if the Strait of Hormuz were closed, she said.
Iran has reportedly been warning that it could close the strait for weeks, with one Iranian lawmaker and a member of the parliament’s National Security Committee presidium both quoted as saying that Iran could respond to enemy attacks by disturbing the West’s oil supply. Maritime agencies and the U.K. Navy have advised ships to avoid the Strait in recent weeks, given the potential threat.
Other energy experts pointed to how the Russia-Ukraine war led to a worldwide spike in energy costs.
“Energy markets do not like war — they particularly do not like war in the Middle East,” Marc Morano, author and the head of Climate Depot told the DCNF. Morano noted that the impact of the war did not immediately spike energy costs in the U.S. and abroad, though further escalation could spike them — especially Iran moving to block the Strait. “Even rumors of a blockade could instill fear into energy markets and drive prices up,” Morano said.
Despite the threat of shipping through the Strait of Hormuz being blocked, the U.S. has some cushion, given that it is a net exporter of oil and gas, according to energy sector experts.
President Donald Trump has promoted a pro-energy-growth agenda that paves the way for domestic oil and gas expansion, which positions the U.S. to withstand intense conflict escalations or even the closure of the Strait, energy sector experts told the DCNF.
Such a blockage would make US oil and gas exports more important. It underscores the importance of Trump’s agenda — to open Alaska and other areas to energy production, to speed up infrastructure permitting, and to increase exports to our allies,” director of the Heritage Foundation’s Center for Energy, Climate, and Environment Diana Furchtgott-Roth told the DCNF.
Though the U.S. still imports oil from some nations in the Middle East, including those that use the Strait of Hormuz, the U.S. has the capacity to become the dominant oil producer, energy sector experts told the DCNF.
If Iran were to close the Strait it would amount to “economic suicide” as the nation’s economy is reliant on Hormuz, both Vice President JD Vance and Secretary of State Marco Rubio said in interviews on Sunday.
James Taylor, president of the Heartland Institute, told the DCNF that any disruption in the oil markets would lead to price increases, which only highlights the need for pro-energy policies domestically.
“It is very important for American policymakers to support rather than impede American oil production because America, as a dominant energy producer, will be largely immune to such political crises,” Taylor said. “In fact, if America is a dominant oil producer and Iran takes steps to shock the oil markets, America would benefit and Iran’s nefarious plan would backfire.”
Energy
Energy Policies Based on Reality, Not Ideology, are Needed to Attract Canadian ‘Superpower’ Level Investment – Ron Wallace

From Energy Now
By Ron Wallace
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OPEC Secretary-General Haitam Al Ghais recently delivered a message in Alberta that energy policies should be “based on reality, not ideology.” These comments are particularly relevant to Canada given the history of the past decade and the future policy path being proposed by the Carney government. Secretary Al Ghais cited studies from the IEA that noted in the past decade global investment in “clean energy” has approached $17 trillion with the result that renewable sources currently supply less than 4% of the world’s energy. Meanwhile, initiatives such as the introduction of EV’s, which apparently continues as a priority policy for Canada, have reached a total global penetration rate of less than 4% as electric cars are increasingly losing their appeal among new drivers in Western nations.
Considering an annual estimated cost of USD $640 billion required to maintain and secure global energy sources, the Secretary-General stressed the importance of “consistent messaging” for capital investment markets as they prepare to meet future energy demands through to 2050. By that time OPEC foresees oil and gas comprising more than 53% of the global energy mix with predictions that global oil demand will rise to more than 120 million barrels per day (mb/d) from the104 mb/d today. As for Alberta, he noted:
“Alberta’s success fits with the inclusive all-energies, all-technologies and all-peoples energy futures that OPC continues to advocate for – one based on realities, not ideologies such as unrealistic net zero targets that fixated on deadlines and dismissed certain energies.”
These words are highly relevant for Alberta and Canada, coming precisely at a time when the Federal government is debating new legislation (Bill C-5) that seeks to accelerate regulatory processes for selected projects. It remains to be seen if this approach will lead to heightened co-operation between Federal and provincial governments.
Federal aspirations, largely focused on Natural Resources Minister Tim Hodgson will quickly be tested by an increasingly impatient Alberta government that has announced plans to entice a private-sector player to build a major crude pipeline to coastal waters. In that regard, Premiers from Alberta and Saskatchewan are increasingly advocating for the repeal of policies like the West Coast tanker ban and net-zero electricity regulations, as they press for the development of defined energy corridors to access tidewaters noting that: “The federal government must remove the barriers it created and fix the federal project approval processes so that private sector proponents have the confidence to invest.” As Premier Moe has argued, if Canada scrapped policies such as proposed caps on oil and gas emissions Saskatchewan, which is currently Canada’s second-largest oil-producing province, could double its annual oil production.
It is more than ironic that controversial legislation currently being fast-tracked through the House (Bill C-5) effectively admits that the raft of Acts and Regulations enacted under the Trudeau government constitute material barriers to national development. The federal government, instead of repealing, or substantially amending that legislation some of which is being challenged, has received tough love from the Supreme Court, instead proposes to give Cabinet the power to suspend the IAA and several other key Acts in order to speed the process of issuing development applications and permits. By not doing the heavy lifting in Parliament needed to repeal or modify the burdensome legislative mandates enacted over the past decade, Carney’s remarkable approach instead chooses to circumvent that legislative base with the arbitrary suspensions of selected laws.
Meanwhile, Bill C-5 has received attention from parliamentarians and Indigenous communities. Former Trudeau-era Justice Minister Wilson-Raybould has commented that Bill C-5 has been developed “behind closed doors” to allow the federal government to “make decisions and build projects on its own terms, at its own pace and based on rules that it choses to make up as they go along.” Their concern is that the proposed law would give unprecedented powers to the federal cabinet to fast-track projects that the Cabinet defines as being in “national interest” allowing them to sidestep Canadian laws such as the Indian Act, Fisheries Act, Migratory Birds Convention Act and Canadian Environment Protection Act. Assumptions that the Act is being designed to facilitate oil and gas, as opposed to renewable energy, projects remain to be seen.
Recall that there remains long-simmering federal-provincial tensions rooted in jurisdictional disputes over the Impact Assessment Act (IAA) (or Bill C-69) which the Supreme Court of Canada (SCC) ruled as having parts that constituted an unconstitutional, “impermissible intrusion“ federal overreach into provincial jurisdiction. Subsequently, the Federal Court overturned Canada’s ban on single-use plastic having deemed that policy to be “unreasonable and unconstitutional”. The federal Clean Electricity Regulations (published in November 2024) are strongly opposed by Alberta which in April 2025 filed a reference case with the Alberta Court of Appeal to challenge the constitutionality of those Regulations with arguments that Canada’s constitution under Section 92A grants exclusive jurisdiction to the province for the generation and production of electrical energy.
Instead of providing regulatory and investment certainty the federal government has chosen to advance Bill C-5 that introduces more, not less, uncertainty into the Canadian energy development and regulatory process. One should ask: Does a process designed to over-ride existing laws and statutes operated by a closed Cabinet that reaches decisions based on “criteria” set by Ottawa, provide enhanced investment certainty for proponents of major energy projects?
Alternatively, would it not be better to amend or repeal existing, punitive federal laws and regulations, starting with those that are presently being actively challenged by the provinces in the courts? Canada needs to ask itself if, with this legislation, we will achieve the “consistent messaging” required to attract the capital investment for energy projects as was highlighted by the Secretary-General.
Ron Wallace is a former Member of the National Energy Board.
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