Economy
Government services faltering despite Ottawa’s tax hikes
From the Fraser Institute
By Matthew Lau
Compare this growth of almost 50 per cent to the growth rate of private-sector employment—from 2015 to 2023, combined growth for the private sector and self-employment was about 11 per cent.
According to a study published by the Fraser Institute, 44.6 per cent of the average family’s income will be consumed by taxes of all kinds in 2024. Thus June 13—which is 44.6 per cent of the way through the year—was “Tax Freedom Day.” In other words, on average, the work done and income earned from January 1 to June 12 is consumed by government. This tax bill, most Canadians believe, is too high, but alas a tax-happy federal government is unlikely to provide relief.
Indeed, the Trudeau government recently made another effort to push Tax Freedom Day further back into the year with its increase to capital gains taxes, adding to its long record of tax increases since coming to office in 2015. The list of tax hikes includes a new top income tax bracket in 2016, the carbon tax first imposed in 2019 and increased every year since, five consecutive annual Canada Pension Plan tax hikes from 2020 to 2024, special taxation of financial institutions imposed in 2022, continued threats of special taxation of grocery stores, and announced plans for a tax on share buybacks.
With such enthusiasm for tax hikes, it cannot be a surprise that since the Trudeau government took office in 2015, the number of employees at the Canada Revenue Agency increased from around 40,000 to almost 60,000 by 2023. Compare this growth of almost 50 per cent to the growth rate of private-sector employment—from 2015 to 2023, combined growth for the private sector and self-employment was about 11 per cent.
But alas, all these new taxes and government growth have not yielded positive results. From the third quarter of 2015 to the first quarter of 2024, growth in real GDP per-person (a common indicator of living standards) was less than 1 per cent cumulatively versus nearly 16 per cent in the United States. The productivity improvements that deliver sustainable economic growth rely on business investment, but that has badly stalled in Canada, too. Since the third quarter of 2015, real business investment in machinery, equipment and non-residential structures is down about 19 per cent on a per-person basis.
Nor have Canadians received improved government services as a result of higher taxes.
Health access is getting worse, with wait times for medical care continuing to increase. And even the Liberals have effectively admitted their national child-care program, which they began implementing in 2021, has created widespread shortages.
Similarly, on two core federal government functions—public safety and national defence—even as Canadians pay new and higher taxes, outcomes are dismal. Crime is rising and Canada’s military readiness is “dangerously inefficient.” In fact, at the end of last year the commander of the Royal Canadian Navy said it “faces some very serious challenges right now that could mean we fail to meet our force posture and readiness commitments in 2024 and beyond” and that “the air force and the army are facing similar challenges.”
And Canada’s passport offices continue to be in a state of disarray and the federal government has missed its own deadline for allowing Canadians to renew passports online.
Polling data show Canadians believe they pay too much tax. No one should be surprised. The Trudeau government’s new and higher taxes have contributed significantly to the country’s stagnating economy and declining business confidence, and have been accompanied by deteriorating government services across the board. Raising taxes won’t make things any better. Cutting taxes would.
Author:
Business
Canada Can Finally Profit From LNG If Ottawa Stops Dragging Its Feet
From the Frontier Centre for Public Policy
By Ian Madsen
Canada’s growing LNG exports are opening global markets and reducing dependence on U.S. prices, if Ottawa allows the pipelines and export facilities needed to reach those markets
Canada’s LNG advantage is clear, but federal bottlenecks still risk turning a rare opening into another missed opportunity
Canada is finally in a position to profit from global LNG demand. But that opportunity will slip away unless Ottawa supports the pipelines and export capacity needed to reach those markets.
Most major LNG and pipeline projects still need federal impact assessments and approvals, which means Ottawa can delay or block them even when provincial and Indigenous governments are onside. Several major projects are already moving ahead, which makes Ottawa’s role even more important.
The Ksi Lisims floating liquefaction and export facility near Prince Rupert, British Columbia, along with the LNG Canada terminal at Kitimat, B.C., Cedar LNG and a likely expansion of LNG Canada, are all increasing Canada’s export capacity. For the first time, Canada will be able to sell natural gas to overseas buyers instead of relying solely on the U.S. market and its lower prices.
These projects give the northeast B.C. and northwest Alberta Montney region a long-needed outlet for its natural gas. Horizontal drilling and hydraulic fracturing made it possible to tap these reserves at scale. Until 2025, producers had no choice but to sell into the saturated U.S. market at whatever price American buyers offered. Gaining access to world markets marks one of the most significant changes for an industry long tied to U.S. pricing.
According to an International Gas Union report, “Global liquefied natural gas (LNG) trade grew by 2.4 per cent in 2024 to 411.24 million tonnes, connecting 22 exporting markets with 48 importing markets.” LNG still represents a small share of global natural gas production, but it opens the door to buyers willing to pay more than U.S. markets.
LNG Canada is expected to export a meaningful share of Canada’s natural gas when fully operational. Statistics Canada reports that Canada already contributes to global LNG exports, and that contribution is poised to rise as new facilities come online.
Higher returns have encouraged more development in the Montney region, which produces more than half of Canada’s natural gas. A growing share now goes directly to LNG Canada.
Canadian LNG projects have lower estimated break-even costs than several U.S. or Mexican facilities. That gives Canada a cost advantage in Asia, where LNG demand continues to grow.
Asian LNG prices are higher because major buyers such as Japan and South Korea lack domestic natural gas and rely heavily on imports tied to global price benchmarks. In June 2025, LNG in East Asia sold well above Canadian break-even levels. This price difference, combined with Canada’s competitive costs, gives exporters strong margins compared with sales into North American markets.
The International Energy Agency expects global LNG exports to rise significantly by 2030 as Europe replaces Russian pipeline gas and Asian economies increase their LNG use. Canada is entering the global market at the right time, which strengthens the case for expanding LNG capacity.
As Canadian and U.S. LNG exports grow, North American supply will tighten and local prices will rise. Higher domestic prices will raise revenues and shrink the discount that drains billions from Canada’s economy.
Canada loses more than $20 billion a year because of an estimated $20-per-barrel discount on oil and about $2 per gigajoule on natural gas, according to the Frontier Centre for Public Policy’s energy discount tracker. Those losses appear directly in public budgets. Higher natural gas revenues help fund provincial services, health care, infrastructure and Indigenous revenue-sharing agreements that rely on resource income.
Canada is already seeing early gains from selling more natural gas into global markets. Government support for more pipelines and LNG export capacity would build on those gains and lift GDP and incomes. Ottawa’s job is straightforward. Let the industry reach the markets willing to pay.
Ian Madsen is a senior policy analyst at the Frontier Centre for Public Policy.
Economy
Affordable housing out of reach everywhere in Canada
From the Fraser Institute
By Steven Globerman, Joel Emes and Austin Thompson
According to our new study, in 2023 (the latest year of comparable data), typical homes on the market were unaffordable for families earning the local median income in every major Canadian city
The dream of homeownership is alive, but not well. Nearly nine in ten young Canadians (aged 18-29) aspire to own a home—but share a similar worry about the current state of housing in Canada.
Of course, those worries are justified. According to our new study, in 2023 (the latest year of comparable data), typical homes on the market were unaffordable for families earning the local median income in every major Canadian city. It’s not just Vancouver and Toronto—housing affordability has eroded nationwide.
Aspiring homeowners face two distinct challenges—saving enough for a downpayment and keeping up with mortgage payments. Both have become harder in recent years.
For example, in 2014, across 36 of Canada’s largest cities, a 20 per cent downpayment for a typical home—detached house, townhouse, condo—cost the equivalent of 14.1 months (on average) of after-tax income for families earning the median income. By 2023, that figure had grown to 22.0 months—a 56 per cent increase. During the same period for those same families, a mortgage payment for a typical home increased (as a share of after-tax incomes) from 29.9 per cent to 56.6 per cent.
No major city has been spared. Between 2014 and 2023, the price of a typical home rose faster than the growth of median after-tax family income in 32 out of 36 of Canada’s largest cities. And in all 36 cities, the monthly mortgage payment on a typical home grew (again, as a share of median after-tax family income), reflecting rising house prices and higher mortgage rates.
While the housing affordability crisis is national in scope, the challenge differs between cities.
In 2023, a median-income-earning family in Fredericton, the most affordable large city for homeownership in Canada, had save the equivalent of 10.6 months of after-tax income ($56,240) for a 20 per cent downpayment on a typical home—and the monthly mortgage payment ($1,445) required 27.2 per cent of that family’s after-tax income. Meanwhile, a median-income-earning family in Vancouver, Canada’s least affordable city, had to spend the equivalent of 43.7 months of after-tax income ($235,520) for a 20 per cent downpayment on a typical home with a monthly mortgage ($6,052) that required 112.3 per cent of its after-tax income—a financial impossibility unless the family could rely on support from family or friends.
The financial barriers to homeownership are clearly greater in Vancouver. But, crucially, neither city is truly “affordable.” In Fredericton and Vancouver, as in every other major Canadian city, buying a typical home with the median income produces a debt burden beyond what’s advisable. Recent house price declines in cities such as Vancouver and Toronto have provided some relief, but homeownership remains far beyond the reach of many families—and a sharp slowdown in homebuilding threatens to limit further gains in affordability.
For families priced out of homeownership, renting doesn’t offer much relief, as rent affordability has also declined in nearly every city. In 2014, rental rates for the median-priced rental unit required 19.8 per cent of median after-tax family income, on average across major cities. By 2023, that figure had risen to 23.5 per cent. And in the least affordable cities for renters, Toronto and Vancouver, a median-priced rental required more than 30 per cent of median after-tax family income. That’s a heavy burden for Canada’s renters who typically earn less than homeowners. It’s also an added financial barrier to homeownership— many Canadian families rent for years before buying their first home, and higher rents make it harder to save for a downpayment.
In light of these realities, Canadians should ask—why have house prices and rental rates outpaced income growth?
Poor public policy has played a key role. Local regulations, lengthy municipal approval processes, and costly taxes and fees all combine to hinder housing development. And the federal government allowed a historic surge in immigration that greatly outpaced new home construction. It’s simple supply and demand—when more people chase a limited (and restricted) supply of homes, prices rise. Meanwhile, after-tax incomes aren’t keeping pace, as government policies that discourage investment and economic growth also discourage wage growth.
Canadians still want to own homes, but a decade of deteriorating affordability has made that a distant prospect for many families. Reversing the trend will require accelerated homebuilding, better-paced immigration and policies that grow wages while limiting tax bills for Canadians—changes governments routinely promise but rarely deliver.
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