Alberta
Good Sense Beats Team Canada’s Hysteria
In the tariff crisis of 2025, Canada tested its mettle, and the result was revealing. At the center stood Premier Danielle Smith, who chose steady, substantive leadership over juvenile posturing and theatrical bravado. Ottawa’s Prime Minister Mark Carney and Alberta NDP leader Naheed Nenshi indulged in overly-inflated martial rhetoric and fear-driven posturing.
Carney’s tactics have failed to secure any meaningful results, and he now proposes to do what Premier Smith was doing from the start. My purpose is not to flatter Alberta’s premier, but to show the self-serving strategy and base tactics of those who attacked her.
In short, given the state manipulation of media and the self-inflicted amnesia of the age, I would like to document some of what the progressive politicians wanted to do, and what they said, to remind us of the shallow leadership in the country, and to say what the mainstream media isn’t going to say. Danielle Smith’s calm, clear-eyed approach was prudent leadership. The rest was a useless political spectacle geared exclusively to improve the electoral fortunes of the ruling Party in Ottawa. The strategy was devised to serve the interests of the federal Liberal Party, not the interests of Canadians.
When the Storm Hit: Carney’s Rhetoric Without Results
The shock arrived in January, though the first stab was delivered to Justin the previous Fall when he visited Trump in Mar-a-Lago on November 29th. Donald Trump, newly back in the White House, announced a raft of tariffs on Canadian steel and aluminum and threatened levies on agriculture and energy-related products. The move struck at the very architecture of the United States–Mexico–Canada Agreement (USMCA), the framework meant to stabilize continental trade. Canada sends three-quarters of its exports to the United States; the relationship is not optional or trivial; it is crucial. This dependency deepened during the Trudeau years, notably in his refusal to approve infrastructure for selling Canadian energy overseas and in declining pleas from Europeans to sell them natural gas. Ottawa likes to talk about diversification, but when three in four dollars of export income depend on one customer, the arithmetic speaks for itself.
Carney, still in the honeymoon phase of his premiership, treated the shock as an opportunity to prove his campaign rhetoric. During debates, he had cast himself as the lone Canadian able to face down Trump, a Trump-whisperer of sorts, boasting of his international experience as governor of the Bank of England and promising to “crush” the Americans in trade negotiations. When the cameras turned to him, he reached for the hyperbolic language of battle.
On March 27, 2025, Prime Minister Carney told reporters: “Nothing is off the table regarding possible countermeasures.” Carney declared on that same day that “the era of close economic integration and security cooperation with the United States is over,” following an announcement of sweeping U.S. auto tariffs. This was a radical policy shift in the history of the country, an announcement made without any debate in the public square or in Parliament. The longstanding Canada–U.S. partnership built on deep integration was no longer intact, and there would be “no turning back” from this shift. Many chose to celebrate this announcement without considering the consequences.
Four days later, on March 31, Carney expanded the message in a more impassioned speech: “We won’t back down. We will respond forcefully. Nothing is off the table to defend our workers and our country.” The environmentalist woke banker was now the defender of Canada’s working class, the same working class he declared seditious for questioning government policy during the truckers’ protest.
The language was now definitive, dramatic, and even intoxicating to some Canadians. Ottawa reporters applauded the elbows-up posture. But it was rhetoric without a plan.

Danielle Smith’s Steady Course: Strategy Over Spectacle
Smith’s view of the crisis was rooted not in theatre but in facts. Alberta exports over 3.3 million barrels of oil a day to the United States. That crude feeds refineries in the Midwest and the Gulf Coast, which in turn supply gasoline and diesel back into Canadian markets. Oil is not simply Alberta’s business; it is the circulatory system of the North American economy. To threaten to cut it off would be to shoot ourselves in the leg to prove a point.
Smith said as much at press conferences in mid-January. She warned that if Ottawa tried to embargo energy exports as retaliation, the fallout would be national: “Refineries in Ontario and Quebec, industries across the country, all depend on Alberta’s oil. Empty threats may make headlines, but they won’t keep Canadians working.”
She was clear that oil must not become a weapon. She was also pointing out the crucial strategic reality that, citing oil flows to the US, one would have to cut oil flows to Eastern Canadian markets from Alberta, an absurd way to hurt Canada’s largest market for the sake of hurting Americans. Who negotiates by putting a loaded weapon to their own head?
If Trump was enlisting chaos, Danielle Smith understood that bringing more chaos into the equation would only serve the interests of those weaponizing chaos: “Our energy exports are a source of stability, not leverage.”
Smith’s rationale ran deeper than provincial parochialism; it rested on the realistic understanding that energy flows sustain industries coast-to-coast. Instead of using oil as a cudgel, she pressed for engagement. Her trip to Mar-a-Lago, facilitated by Kevin O’Leary, was ridiculed by critics as social climbing. But Smith’s purpose was straightforward: to remind Trump and his circle that Alberta’s oil kept America’s economy moving, and that undermining that relationship would hurt both sides.
It was not glamorous politics. It did not satisfy the simplistic appetite for “elbows up” or the primal need to see Canada throw punches. But it was prudent. It sought to preserve what mattered most: stability, credibility, and the livelihoods tied to cross-border trade.
Nenshi’s Alarmism: From Existential Threats to Boycott Appeal
But not all Alberta politicians are endowed with the common sense and good judgment that Premier Smith showed in this trade conflict with the US. If Carney set the hyperbolic tone in Ottawa, Naheed Nenshi amplified it from Edmonton. His rhetoric soared to near-apocalyptic levels when he told reporters the US tariffs represented the possibility of demise: “These tariffs are an existential threat to Canada’s economy and way of life.”
Such language is typically reserved for nuclear war or famine, not tariff skirmishes. Nenshi displayed no understanding of how Canadian tariffs on the US would hurt Canadian workers the most. By invoking existential peril, Nenshi helped to transform a serious but manageable dispute into an exaggerated drama of survival. The effect was to raise anxiety, to send his constituents into spastic bouts, but not to offer solutions.
In his typical boisterous way, He went further in mocking Smith personally about the premier’s Mar-a-Lago outreach: “It was just a balls-and-parties tour.”
This was not a critique; it was juvenile taunting. It sought only to diminish Smith by ridicule. Beyond that, he urged Albertans to “buy Canadian-made goods” in defiance of “American economic aggression.” This had populist resonance—shop patriotically, hurt the Americans where it counts. But its undertone was darker. It cast American producers as enemies rather than partners, sliding toward the kind of cultural hostility that corrodes continental goodwill. That, and the fact that it is the wrong strategy: Canada can never become wealthier and better only consuming what it produces.
Together with Carney and others, Nenshi’s words painted a picture of politics as theatre: existential peril, carnival mockery, economic nationalism. It was louder than Smith’s steady counsel, but it was also shallower. What it offered in emotional release, it lacked in constructive substance.
Lukaszuk’s Overheated Rebuke: “Shameful” and “Without Shame”
Thomas Lukaszuk, Alberta’s deputy premier in the most corrupt government in Alberta’s history, joined the chorus with his own brand of vitriol. He lambasted Smith’s Mar-a-Lago trip as deceitful: “Ms. Smith is without shame… it was probably inevitable she would show up at the side of Mr. Trump.”
He accused her of disguising the visit as a private vacation, calling it “shameful” and suggesting it was “perhaps an intentional attempt to deceive.” He demanded transparency: if she met with Trump and O’Leary, why was it not cleared with federal or provincial officials?
Lukaszuk’s barbs were not a critique of trade policy; they were an indictment of Smith’s character, almost suggesting Smith was treasonous. By casting her outreach as dishonesty, he implied she was not merely mistaken but disloyal. The attack was moralistic, not analytic. And it was hyperbolic: to suggest that a premier speaking to a U.S. president about Alberta’s energy could be “without shame” is to invert priorities and to show a warped understanding of political activity from executive places. Where Smith sought stability, Lukaszuk indulged outrage. Where she made arguments, he delivered invective. Smith prevailed.
The Federal Failure: Loud Words, No Leverage
The accurate measure of Ottawa’s approach lies in the success of its outcomes. In January, Carney promised “maximum impact” and “nothing off the table.” By March, the Americans had not budged. By summer, Carney was already preparing to climb down.
On August 22, 2025, during a press conference announcing a rollback of Canada’s retaliatory tariffs, Carney said: “Canada and the U.S. have now re-established free trade for the vast majority of our goods.”
The announcement was spun as a win—“we have restored free trade for the vast majority of goods.” But in fact, it was a concession. Trump had not withdrawn his supposedly existence-threatening tariffs. But Canada had withdrawn its retaliation. Ottawa had failed to secure a deal. The country was left where Smith had said it should remain: keep the arteries of trade open, defend a few vital sectors, and avoid damaging our own consumers.
The gap between promise and performance was humiliating. Carney had campaigned as the expert negotiator who alone could handle Trump. He had threatened “crush force” against the Americans, to deliver maximum pain. In the end, he managed a quiet surrender, hoping Canadians would mistake retreat for strategy. Trump, for his part, gloated. Canada, he said, had “come to its senses.” He took credit for Carney’s electoral success. The bluster of winter had dissolved into a whimper by summer.
Prime Minister Carney now claims he obtained the best deal of any country for Canada, but that is not true. Canada has exactly what Mexico has, except that Canada’s oil has a lower US tariff rate imposed because Danielle Smith negotiated it.
Who Showed Judgment
Strip away the noise, and the contrast is stark. Danielle Smith, much maligned, displayed judgment. She prioritized stability, preserved Alberta’s interests, and in doing so also sought to protect the national interest. She spoke frankly about the costs of empty, performative retaliation to the national economy. From the start, she cautioned against “empty threats.” She argued that weaponizing oil would trigger a unity crisis. She maintained that the priority was to keep trade stable, not to win headlines with elbows-up theatrics. Ottawa mocked her, pundits accused her of sabotage, Nenshi ridiculed her as unserious, and Lukaszuk branded her “shameful.” Yet months later, Ottawa adopted precisely the framework she had outlined.
Carney offered bluster, then quietly retreated. Nenshi offered mockery and alarms. Lukaszuk offered moral outrage. All three contributed to a theatre of hysteria that eroded Canada’s credibility abroad and coarsened discourse at home in ways that are damaging to the political fabric of the Canadian community.
Smith showed an understanding of how present action shapes future positions. Standing against the tide, she offered thoughtful solutions. Not loud, not glamorous—but steady, serious, and correct. She was punished for exposing the nonsensical nature of their exaggerated position. And in that punishment lies her vindication.
A Debt of Apology
What Alberta and its premier received instead was abuse. Smith was called a traitor, accused of siding with Trump, and branded “shameful.” People took to social media to insult Albertans, suggesting that it was no surprise the premier was a traitor because Albertans are traitors. She was ridiculed for rationally trying diplomacy. The verdict of hindsight is plain: it is Ottawa and its allies who owe Albertans an apology. NDP leaders like Lukaszuk and Nenshi should also apologize to the premier.
An apology, not because Smith needs it personally, but because Canadians should demand politics grounded in sound judgment, not hysteria. They deserve leaders who resist fearmongering, not indulge it. They deserve leadership that unites people, not divides them. They deserve policies that promote friendship with neighbouring nations, not encourage atavistic hatreds. They deserve debate that clarifies, not insults.
Premier Danielle Smith was right. The others were loud. And when the record is written, it will not be the theatre that matters, but the steadiness that kept Alberta and Canada from greater harm.
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Alberta
School defunding petition in Alberta is a warning to parents
This article supplied by Troy Media.
A union-backed petition to defund independent schools in Alberta could trigger a wave of education rollbacks across Canada
A push to defund independent schools in Alberta is a warning to every Canadian parent who values educational options.
A petition backed by the Alberta teachers’ union may be the first step toward reduced learning choices across Canada. Independent schools, most of them non-elite and often focused on a specific pedagogical approach, receive partial public funding in Alberta and serve diverse student populations.
The petition, launched under Alberta’s citizen initiative law, could trigger a provincewide referendum if it meets the required threshold set by provincial election law.
If your child isn’t in a standard public classroom, whether they’re home-schooled, in a charter, Francophone, Catholic, or
specialized public program, this petition puts your educational decisions at risk.
Opponents of choices in education have been forthright in their attempts to erode the large and successful range of learning options that most Canadians enjoy. Instead, they seem to be aiming for a single, uniform, one-size-fits-all system with no variation for children’s many learning styles and needs, nor for new teaching innovations.
During last year’s NDP leadership campaign in Alberta, candidate (and current MLA) Sarah Hoffman proposed effectively eliminating charter schools and forcing them to join public school boards.
The current recall effort targeting Alberta Education Minister Demetrios Nicolaides lists “charter-private school” funding as a rationale. There is no such thing as a charter-private school, since charter schools are public and 100 per cent provincially funded.
It’s clear the petition is aimed at restricting or defunding charter schools despite their popularity. More than 15,000 students are enrolled and over 20,000 more are on wait-lists in Alberta.
Alberta isn’t the only place where schooling options are coming under pressure. Yukon’s NDP leader has called for defunding and eliminating the territory’s entire Catholic separate system. Similar arguments exist in Ontario. British Columbia doesn’t have a Catholic school system. Newfoundland had one, but in 1998 merged the Catholic board into the public one.
Going as far back as 2010, provinces including Newfoundland, British Columbia, P.E.I. and Nova Scotia have sought to justify limiting the Francophone schooling options they offer due to high costs and budget limitations.
These provincial actions raise a larger question. Efforts to defund Catholic and Francophone schooling are striking, given that both are constitutionally protected. If, as teachers’ unions argue, even constitutionally protected choices can be defunded, restricted or eliminated, how safe are all the other options, like independent, charter, or microschools that aren’t written into the constitution but excel at producing well-formed, knowledgeable graduates ready for adulthood?
Even specialized programs offered within the public system aren’t safe. Last year, the Calgary Board of Education shut down its all-boys program, saying the space was needed to accommodate general enrolment growth. However, the building was then leased out to a post-secondary institution. In Vancouver, the public board stopped new enrolment in its gifted student program, ending “the only publicly funded option for kids who need an accelerated learning environment.”
If these formal attacks on educational diversity can happen in Alberta, which has long been Canada’s leader in making a wide variety of learning options available, affordable and accessible to families, then it certainly can happen in other provinces as well.
The Saskatchewan Teachers’ Federation has already asked the government to end funding for independent schools. A similar push has surfaced in British Columbia. The claim that independent schools drain resources from the public system is incorrect. Every student who enrolls in an independent school costs the provincial budget less and frees up space, teaching time, and other public school resources for everyone else.
These efforts reflect a zero-sum view of education and a false view that only some schools serve the common good.
A better approach is to expand what’s available. Provinces can support more learning options for families, which means more resources and better results for students, no matter how or where they learn.
We need to pay attention to what’s happening in Alberta and elsewhere. Parents don’t want fewer options to help their children enjoy school and flourish academically or personally. If educational diversity can be rolled back in Alberta, it can be rolled back anywhere.
Canadians who value educational alternatives need to pay attention now—before the decisions are made for them.
Catharine Kavanagh is western stakeholder director at Cardus, a non-partisan thinktank that researches education, work and public life.
Troy Media empowers Canadian community news outlets by providing independent, insightful analysis and commentary. Our mission is to support local media in helping Canadians stay informed and engaged by delivering reliable content that strengthens community connections and deepens understanding across the country
Alberta
Tell the Province what you think about 120 km/h speed limit on divided highways
Alberta’s government is engaging with Albertans on increasing speed limits on rural highways.
Starting Nov. 7, Albertans can share their views on modernizing speed limits on divided highways through an online survey running until Dec. 12. The survey will ask how Albertans view raising the speed limit by 10 km/h on various highways from 110 km/h to 120 km/h.
“Alberta’s government is investigating how to safely increase speed limits on divided highways, and if Albertans support increasing speed limits. We are investing more than $1.5 billion this year alone to improve highway safety and upgrade infrastructure across the province. We want Albertans to be able to drive the speed limit that the highways are designed for. Modern vehicles combined with public awareness mean we can explore higher speed limits.”
The survey will provide Albertans with the opportunity to provide input on which highways they would prioritize having a speed limit increase, their views on restricting commercial trucks from using the far-left lane on highways with three or more lanes and any other feedback that would improve driving experiences on provincial highways.
Following a review of the survey results, Alberta’s government plans to conduct a mini-trial of a 120 km/h speed limit to assess the impacts of higher speed limits on divided highways. The trial will include strong monitoring to assess driving behaviour.
Alberta’s government reminds motorists to slow down and drive to the conditions. Speed limits are set for ideal conditions. When roads are wet, icy or when there is reduced visibility, motorists should slow down.
Quick facts
- Alberta’s provincial highway network includes more than 64,000 lane kilometres of highways, about 11,700 lane kilometres of which are divided.
- The posted speed limits of Alberta’s divided highways range from 100 to 110 km/h, although the posted speed limits on segments passing through cities, towns and First Nation lands can be as low as 50 km/h due to factors such as signalized intersections, pedestrians and local access.
Related information
- The survey is available online.
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