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Energy leaders send this letter urging Prime Minister Mark Carney to unlock Canada’s resources

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An Open Letter to the Prime Minister of Canada

The CEOs of Canada’s largest energy companies, including Canadian Natural Resources, Cenovus, Suncor, Imperial Oil and many more, have issued a new “Build Canada Now” letter to Prime Minister Carney. They are calling for Ottawa to repeal the production cap, scrap the tanker ban, simplify regulations and shorten project approvals so Alberta’s energy sector can create jobs, attract investment and help Canada become a true global energy superpower.

September 15, 2025

The Rt. Hon. Mark Carney, PC, MP
Prime Minister of Canada

Dear Prime Minister Carney,

Six months have passed since the first “Build Canada Now” letter was sent to you and the leaders of Canada’s other political parties outlining an action plan to unlock Canada’s world class oil and natural gas resources to strengthen Canada’s economic sovereignty, resilience and prosperity. After the election, we followed up with a second letter expressing our support for our shared vision of Canada becoming an energy superpower, one that harnesses both conventional and clean energy resources. Since then, we have seen progress but it is insufficient to stimulate the investment and growth required to make this vision a reality.

Thank you for leading the positive change in tone from the Federal Government in terms of the importance of economic development, including expanded investments in conventional energy. The launch of the new Major Projects Office, Indigenous Advisory Council, the initial list of projects of national significance, and the announcement that it will begin work in support of Pathways Plus are critical steps in the right direction. We appreciate the progress the Federal Government has made in these areas.

However, Canada still lacks the clear, competitive and durable fiscal and regulatory policies required to achieve the so-called “Grand Bargain”. That bargain being significant emissions reductions, expanded market access and material upstream production growth. Achieving these three inter-related outcomes goes beyond progressing select major projects but rather includes a multitude of other projects and related investments. Consequently, we reiterate our call to work together to make the policy changes required for this to happen.

Our call to action is urgent, with persistent indicators that the Canadian economy is moving in the wrong direction. The need to improve productivity and create jobs requires swift and decisive action. Canada is blessed with an enviable abundance of oil and natural gas resources and has the expertise to develop them in a manner consistent with environmental responsibility, social values, and working with Indigenous groups for the benefit of Canada and Canadians. As leaders of this sector, we have consistently advocated for the changes required to unwind the past decade of increasing policy complexity and uncertainty that led to delayed investments, lost opportunities and a competitive disadvantage on the global energy stage.

Given your background, you understand that the private sector and public markets require clarity and certainty to make the long-term investments necessary to realizing this sector’s potential, in turn creating thousands of high-paying jobs and significantly strengthening Canada’s economy.
Making the changes expressed in the earlier Build Canada Now letters are necessary to send clear signals that Canada is open for business. To reiterate, we believe that your government must focus on the following:

  1. Significantly simplify regulations. The Federal Impact Assessment Act and West Coast tanker ban are impeding development and need to be overhauled and repealed, respectively. Existing processes are complex, unpredictable, subjective, and excessively long. Processes need to be clarified and simplified, and decisions must withstand judicial review.
  2. Shorten timelines for project approvals. The Federal Government needs to dramatically reduce regulatory timelines to approve all projects within months, not years, of application. This is required to restore investor confidence and once again attract capital to Canada. Clarity on provincial versus federal jurisdiction related to project approvals is also required and needs to be respected.
  3. Commit to grow production, not limit it. The Federal Government’s unlegislated cap on emissions must be eliminated to allow the sector to grow and achieve its potential for the benefit of Canada and Canadians. The “production cap” creates uncertainty, is redundant, will result in production cuts, and stifles investment.
  4. Fiscal framework that attracts investment. The Federal carbon levy on large emitters is not globally cost competitive and should be repealed allowing provinces to set regulations. The Federal Government can lead cooperation across jurisdictions, protecting domestic and international competitiveness. Industry needs clear, competitive, and durable fiscal frameworks, including associated with carbon and overall taxation, to secure capital and incentivize investment.
  5. Incent Indigenous investment opportunities. The Federal Government needs to provide Indigenous loan guarantees at scale so industry can create ownership opportunities to increase prosperity and ensure Indigenous communities benefit from resource development.

As you have clearly stated, our country needs to move from “uncertainty to prosperity”. There needs to be tangible change to make this happen, and without clear and urgent action we risk missing a generational opportunity to capture the potential before Canada now.

As Parliament resumes for the Fall sitting, the energy industry remains committed to working with you, your cabinet, and the provinces on an urgent basis to achieve the energy sector’s potential for the good of Canada. Together, Canada can become the global energy superpower we all envision. We look forward to your response.

Sincerely,

Original signatories

Brandon Anderson
President & CEO
NorthRiver Midstream Inc

Doug Bartole
President & CEO
InPlay Oil Corp.

Robert Broen
President & CEO
Athabasca Oil Corporation

Scott Burrows
President and Chief Executive Officer
Pembina Pipeline Corp.

Chris Carlsen
President & COO
Birchcliff Energy Ltd.

Brad W. Corson
Chairman, President and Chief Executive Officer
Imperial Oil Ltd.

N. Murray Edwards
Executive Chairman
Canadian Natural Resources Limited

Darlene Gates
President and Chief Executive Officer
MEG Energy Corp.

Paul Hawksworth
President and Chief Executive Officer
Inter Pipeline Ltd.

Tyson Huska
President & CEO
Longshore Resources Ltd.

Mike Lawford
President & CEO
NuVista Energy Ltd.

Chris Mazerolle
President
Chevron Canada Resources

Nicholas McKenna
President
ConocoPhillips Canada

Paul Myers
President
Pacific Canbriam Energy Limited

François Poirier
President and Chief Executive Officer
TC Energy Corp.

Susan Riddell Rose
President & CEO
Rubellite Energy Corp.

Don Simmons
President & CEO
Hemisphere Energy Corporation

Adam Waterous  
Executive Chairman, Board of Directors
Strathcona Resources Ltd.

Richard Wyman
President
Chance Oil and Gas Limited

Terry Anderson
President and Chief Executive Officer
ARC Resources Ltd.

Michael Binnion
President & CEO
Questerre Energy Corporation

Craig Bryksa 
President and Chief Executive Officer
Veren Inc.

David J. Burton
President & CEO
Lycos Energy Inc.

Paul Colborne
President & CEO
Surge Energy Inc.

Greg Ebel
President and Chief Executive Officer
Enbridge Inc.

Grant Fagerheim
President and Chief Executive Officer
Whitecap Resources Inc.

Bryan Gould
Founder & CEO
Aspenleaf Energy Limited

Philip B. Hodge
President & CEO
Pine Cliff Energy Ltd.

Rich Kruger
President and Chief Executive Officer
Suncor Energy Inc.

Byron Lutes
President
Mancal Energy Inc.

Brendan McCracken
President & CEO
Ovintiv Canada ULC

Jon McKenzie 
President and Chief Executive Officer
Cenovus Energy Inc.

Curtis Philippon
President & CEO
Gibson Energy

Mike Rose 
President and Chief Executive Officer
Tourmaline Oil Corp.

Brian Schmidt
President & CEO
Tamarack Valley Energy Ltd.

David Spyker
President & CEO
Freehold Royalties Ltd.

Bevin Wirzba
President and Chief Executive Officer
South Bow Corp.

Vern Yu
President & Chief Executive Officer
AltaGas

Additional signatories

After 15 years as a TV reporter with Global and CBC and as news director of RDTV in Red Deer, Duane set out on his own 2008 as a visual storyteller. During this period, he became fascinated with a burgeoning online world and how it could better serve local communities. This fascination led to Todayville, launched in 2016.

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Agriculture

Supply Management Is Making Your Christmas Dinner More Expensive

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From the Frontier Centre for Public Policy

By Conrad Eder

The food may be festive, but the price tag isn’t, and supply management is to blame

With Christmas around the corner, Canadians will be heading to the grocery store to pick up the essentials for a tasty Christmas feast. Milk and eggs to make dinner rolls, butter for creamy mashed potatoes, an assortment of cheeses as an appetizer, and, of course, the Christmas turkey.

All delicious. All essential. And all more expensive than they need to be because of a longstanding government policy. It’s called supply management.

Consider what a family might purchase when hosting Christmas dinner. Two cartons of eggs, two cartons of milk, a couple of blocks of cheese, a few sticks of butter, and an eight-kilogram turkey. According to Agriculture and Agri-Food Canada and Statistics Canada, that basket of goods costs a little less than $80.

Using price premiums calculated in a 2015 University of Manitoba study, Canada’s supply management system is responsible for $16.69 to $20.48 of the cost of that Christmas dinner. That’s a 21 to 26 per cent premium Canadian consumers pay on those five staples alone. Planning on making a yogurt dip or serving ice cream with dessert? Those extra costs continue to climb.

Canadians pay these premiums for poultry, dairy and eggs because of how Canada’s supply management system works. Farmers must obtain government-issued production quotas that dictate how much they’re allowed to produce. Prices are set by government bodies rather than in an open market. High tariffs block imports and restrict competition from international producers.

The costs of supply management are significant, amounting to billions of dollars every year, yet they are largely hidden, spread across millions of households’ grocery bills. Meanwhile, the benefits flow to a small number of quota-holding farmers. Their quotas are worth millions of dollars and help ensure profitable returns.

These farmers have every incentive to lobby, organize and defend the current system. Wanting special protection is one thing. Actually being given it is another. It is the responsibility of elected officials to resist such demands. Elected to represent all Canadians, politicians should unapologetically prioritize the public interest over any special interests.

Yet in June 2025, Parliament did the opposite. Rather than solve a problem that costs Canadians billions each year, members of Parliament from every party, Liberal, Conservative, Bloc, NDP and Green, unanimously approved Bill C-202, further entrenching the system that makes grocery bills more expensive at a time when families can least afford it. Bill C-202 prohibits Canada from offering any further market access concessions on supply-managed sectors in future trade negotiations.

This decision is even more disappointing when we consider what other nations have already accomplished. Australia and New Zealand demonstrate that removing supply management is not only possible but beneficial.

Australia operated a dairy quota system for decades before abolishing it in 2000. New Zealand began dismantling its dairy supply management regime in 1984 and completed the process in 2001. Both countries found that competitive markets provided their citizens with the access to goods they needed without the hidden costs. If these countries could eliminate supply management, so can Canada.

As the government scrambles to combat the rising cost of living, one of the simplest and most effective solutions continues to be ignored. Eliminating supply management. Removing the quotas, the price controls and the tariffs would allow market competition to do what it does across every other product category. It delivers choice, quality and affordability.

As Canadians gather for Christmas dinner, the feast may be delicious, but it will once again be more expensive than it needs to be. That is the cost of supply management, and Canadians should no longer have to bear it.

Conrad Eder is a policy analyst at the Frontier Centre for Public Policy.

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Business

Taxing food is like slapping a surcharge on hunger. It needs to end

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This article supplied by Troy Media.

Troy Media By Sylvain Charlebois

Cutting the food tax is one clear way to ease the cost-of-living crisis for Canadians

About a year ago, Canada experimented with something rare in federal policymaking: a temporary GST holiday on prepared foods.

It was short-lived and poorly communicated, yet Canadians noticed it immediately. One of the most unavoidable expenses in daily life—food—became marginally less costly.

Families felt a modest but genuine reprieve. Restaurants saw a bump in customer traffic. For a brief moment, Canadians experienced what it feels like when government steps back from taxing something as basic as eating.

Then the tax returned with opportunistic pricing, restoring a policy that quietly but reliably makes the cost of living more expensive for everyone.

In many ways, the temporary GST cut was worse than doing nothing. It opened the door for industry to adjust prices upward while consumers were distracted by the tax relief. That dynamic helped push our food inflation rate from minus 0.6 per cent in January to almost four per cent later in the year. By tinkering with taxes rather than addressing the structural flaws in the system, policymakers unintentionally fuelled volatility. Instead of experimenting with temporary fixes, it is time to confront the obvious: Canada should stop taxing food altogether.

Start with grocery stores. Many Canadians believe food is not taxed at retail, but that assumption is wrong. While “basic groceries” are zero-rated, a vast range of everyday food products are taxed, and Canadians now pay over a billion dollars a year in GST/HST on food purchased in grocery stores.

That amount is rising steadily, not because Canadians are buying more treats, but because shrinkflation is quietly pulling more products into taxable categories. A box of granola bars with six bars is tax-exempt, but when manufacturers quietly reduce the box to five bars, it becomes taxable. The product hasn’t changed. The nutritional profile hasn’t changed. Only the packaging has changed, yet the tax flips on.

This pattern now permeates the grocery aisle. A 650-gram bag of chips shrinks to 580 grams and becomes taxable. Muffins once sold in six-packs are reformatted into three-packs or individually wrapped portions, instantly becoming taxable single-serve items. Yogurt, traditionally sold in large tax-exempt tubs, increasingly appears in smaller 100-gram units that meet the definition of taxable snacks. Crackers, cookies, trail mixes and cereals have all seen slight weight reductions that push them past GST thresholds created decades ago. Inflation raises food prices; Canada’s outdated tax code amplifies those increases.

At the same time, grocery inflation remains elevated. Prices are rising at 3.4 per cent, nearly double the overall inflation rate. At a moment when food costs are climbing faster than almost everything else, continuing to tax food—whether on the shelf or in restaurants—makes even less economic sense.

The inconsistencies extend further. A steak purchased at the grocery store carries no tax, yet a breakfast wrap made from virtually the same inputs is taxed at five per cent GST plus applicable HST. The nutritional function is not different. The economic function is not different. But the tax treatment is entirely arbitrary, rooted in outdated distinctions that no longer reflect how Canadians live or work.

Lower-income households disproportionately bear the cost. They spend 6.2 per cent of their income eating outside the home, compared with 3.4 per cent for the highest-income households. When government taxes prepared food, it effectively imposes a higher burden on those often juggling two or three jobs with limited time to cook.

But this is not only about the poorest households. Every Canadian pays more because the tax embeds itself in the price of convenience, time and the realities of modern living.

And there is an overlooked economic dimension: restaurants are one of the most effective tools we have for stimulating community-level economic activity. When people dine out, they don’t just buy food. They participate in the economy. They support jobs for young and lower-income workers. They activate foot traffic in commercial areas. They drive spending in adjacent sectors such as transportation, retail, entertainment and tourism.

A healthy restaurant sector is a signal of economic confidence; it is often the first place consumers re-engage when they feel financially secure. Taxing prepared food, therefore, is not simply a tax on convenience—it is a tax on economic participation.

Restaurants Canada has been calling for the permanent removal of GST/HST on all food, and they are right. Eliminating the tax would generate $5.4 billion in consumer savings annually, create more than 64,000 foodservice jobs, add over 15,000 jobs in related sectors and support the opening of more than 2,600 new restaurants across the country. No other affordability measure available to the federal government delivers this combination of economic stimulus and direct relief.

And Canadians overwhelmingly agree. Eighty-four per cent believe food should not be taxed, regardless of where it is purchased. In a polarized political climate, a consensus of that magnitude is rare.

Ending the GST/HST on all food will not solve every affordability issue but it is one of the simplest, fairest and most effective measures the federal government can take immediately.

Food is food. The tax system should finally accept that.

Dr. Sylvain Charlebois is a Canadian professor and researcher in food distribution and policy. He is senior director of the Agri-Food Analytics Lab at Dalhousie University and co-host of The Food Professor Podcast. He is frequently cited in the media for his insights on food prices, agricultural trends, and the global food supply chain. 

Troy Media empowers Canadian community news outlets by providing independent, insightful analysis and commentary. Our mission is to support local media in helping Canadians stay informed and engaged by delivering reliable content that strengthens community connections and deepens understanding across the country.

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