Energy
Developing Alberta’s Oil & Gas for Export Should Not Require a “Grand Bargain” or “National Interest” Status from Mark Carney
From Energy Now
By Ron Wallace
The Carney government is not the first to grapple with serious challenges associated with Canadian energy and resource policies. However, its proposed solution is to continue to centralize regulatory powers in Ottawa with policies that represent a final repudiation of the lessons derived from the Great Pipeline Debate of 1956. Today, framed as a response to developing economic threats such as US trade policies, Bill C-5 (the One Canadian Economy Act) returns the process of regulatory decision-making full cycle back to the 1950s whereby the federal cabinet will deem projects to be in the national interest – decisions that could allow the federal government to over-ride its own laws. There are also questions about how Carney, previously a high-profile committed international climate advocate, intends to work with a Cabinet and Senate largely composed of members apparently committed to achieving net zero in Canada.
Since returning to office in 2025, the Trump administration has dramatically chosen to advance economic policies that run directly contrary to the principles of the 2016 Paris Climate Accord having signed executive orders to withdraw from the Accord on the first day of the administration. Compare those actions with a July 2025 landmark advisory position from the International Court of Justice (ICJ). The IJC Advisory Opinion could significantly reshape international climate laws and has been paralleled by pronouncements from the U.N., that call for a ‘Just Transition’ in Climate Policy. Asserting the fossil fuel era to be nearing an end, UN Secretary-General Guterres said that the global economy has “passed the point of no return” on a shift to renewable energy and has implored governments to file sweeping new climate plans before November’s COP30 climate summit in Brazil.
These contradictory, if not tumultuous, events place Canada squarely on the horns of a material economic and policy dilemma: Will the Carney minority government be able to revitalize the Canadian economy by fast-tracking major infrastructure projects and simultaneously maintain the previous governments’ legislative commitments for net zero? Meanwhile, Premiers from Alberta, Ontario, and Saskatchewan have signed a memorandum calling for a repeal or overhaul of the Clean Electricity Regulations, the Greenhouse Gas Pollution Pricing Act, the Impact Assessment Act, the Oil and Gas Emissions Cap, the Net-Zero Vehicle Mandate and the west coast Oil Tanker Ban.
Resolving these challenges will not be an inconsiderable task. Indeed, some consider that their resolution may require a complete re-thinking of Confederation. The Carney minority government’s proposed solution to many of these challenges is Bill C-5 – an unprecedented, sweeping attempt to designate and fast-track Canadian “nation building” infrastructure projects crafted to overcome the legislative legacy inherited from the Trudeau years. But will it work?
Following the landmark June 2025 First Ministers meeting in Saskatoon, a session that discussed the federal government’s plan to remove trade barriers and advance major projects of national interest, Ministers agreed to “work together to accelerate major projects in support of building a strong, resilient, and united Canada.” Significantly, the Prime Minister highlighted opportunities for Canada to build new export oil pipelines to tidewater – with the provisos that those projects would originate from the private sector and be accompanied by parallel investments for carbon capture – stating somewhat controversially, and with little economic clarity, that it’s “absolutely in our interest” to de-carbonize Canada’s oil for export. Is it really?
In response, Alberta Premier Danielle Smith welcomed this “grand bargain” with the Prime Minister as a bold trade-off: An alluring promise of rapid approvals for a new oil pipeline from Alberta to tidewater in exchange for major investments in carbon capture technologies. The Carney-Smith “grand bargain” envisions a new “decarbonized” pipeline to transport 1 million barrels per day of Alberta heavy crude oil to the west coast. Smith, using what would appear to be back-of-the-envelope calculations, reckons that this project would yield annual revenues of CAD$20 billion, revenues that she proposes to use to offset the massive estimated $16.5 billion cost of projects such as the Pathways Alliance carbon-capture project. However, are these assumptions accurate and what are the other policy implications for Canadian energy exports and imports? The current optimism among some Premiers that Bill C-5 will accelerate regulatory progress for complex linear energy projects, such as new pipelines, should be tempered by a careful examination of Canadian regulatory history.
In 2025, 39 CEOs from a coalition of major energy companies issued an open letter to the Prime Minister that urged the federal government to prioritize energy development, as a cornerstone of economic sovereignty and resilience, and overhaul the IAA and Bill C-49 (the west coast tanker ban). This letter followed a call by Alberta Premier Danielle Smith who had issued a detailed list of regulatory demands with the warning that failure to address them could lead to an “unprecedented national unity crisis”. Those conditions, which include amendments to the IAA, abolishing restrictions for oil exports from the west coast of B.C. and dropping proposed Clean Electricity Regulations, reflect long-standing disagreements on energy policies between Alberta and the federal government.
Enbridge CEO Greg Ebel recently outlined conditions that his company and other investors would need from the Carney government before supporting the revival of new export pipelines proposed by provincial premiers – projects like the cancelled Northern Gateway project. Ebel foresees a need for “legal guarantees” and the removal of “various environmental policies:”
“For us to be willing to seriously consider reinvesting in a project like that, whether it’s east or west or just west, we need to see real change on numerous fronts.”
However, such “real change” would require broader federal and provincial legislative reforms that would extend beyond Bill C-5, “reforms” that would affect policies like emissions caps, carbon taxes, and environmental assessment rules, and tanker bans. As Ebel noted:
“A lot of co-ordinated federal and pan-provincial legislative and regulatory action would be required before we think investors, management teams, or customers would be able to green light such projects.”
And then there is the challenge of dealing with what Black has termed the “incomprehensible references” to carbon-neutral pipelines. Will Bill C-5 be sufficient to overcome existing Acts and legislation that embody fundamentally irreconcilable principles of governance? McConaghy has argued that Alberta is, in fact, on a collision course with the federal Liberal government.
Will Bill C-5 reduce regulatory uncertainty for proponents and incentivise investors? Instead, perhaps it is high-time to address long-standing problems, issues that will require hard choices, most of which probably cannot be addressed by a handful of cabinet-selected nation building projects. In short: Canada needs to thoughtfully reconsider not just its regulatory framework but its entire climate agenda.
Recall that the Carney government has, at least initially, defined “national interest” as projects that “enhance energy security, clean growth and economic competitiveness.” This definition provides little comfort, or predictability, to project developers or investors. Albertans may wish to carefully reconsider assumptions that this unprecedented “grand bargain.” Will trading billions of dollars worth of carbon capture infrastructure result in federal pipeline approvals? Indeed, some suggest that Alberta should unequivocally reject the concept of “decarbonized oil” as a condition of future hydrocarbon export growth and infrastructure development. Not the least of concerns are monumental hurdles presented by undetermined technical challenges and the material capital costs for the proposed facilities. It should be recalled that estimates for this proposed $16.5 billion project indicate that it would, at best, capture less than 2% of Canada’s annual emissions.
While the Carney government clings to the previous government’s policies for net zero that encourage pension funds, banks and corporations to direct investments away from non-renewable energy, Bill C-5 now compounds uncertainty in the regulatory and investment community by providing more, not less, government as it empowers a federal cabinet to make discretionary decisions entirely veiled in cabinet secrecy. Industry and provincial governments, justifiably concerned about the consequences and delays that surely would result from a full repeal of Bill C-69, could yet be walking into another badly implemented regulatory morass crafted by well-intentioned central planners in Ottawa.
Ron Wallace is a Calgary-based energy analyst and former Member of the National Energy Board.
Daily Caller
US Supreme Court Has Chance To End Climate Lawfare

From the Daily Caller News Foundation
All eyes will be on the Supreme Court later this week when the justices conference on Friday to decide whether to grant a petition for writ of certiorari on a high-stakes climate lawsuit out of Colorado. The case is a part of the long-running lawfare campaign seeking to extract billions of dollars in jury awards from oil companies on claims of nebulous damages caused by carbon emissions.
In Suncor Energy (U.S.A.) Inc., et al. v. County Commissioners of Boulder County, major American energy companies are asking the Supreme Court to decide whether federal law precludes state law nuisance claims targeting interstate and global emissions. This comes as the City and County of Boulder, Colo. sued a long list of energy companies under Colorado state nuisance law for alleged impacts from global climate change.
The Colorado Supreme Court allowed a lower state trial court decision to go through, improbably finding that federal law did not preempt state law claims. The central question hangs on whether the federal Clean Air Act (CAA) preempts state common law public nuisance claims related to the regulation of carbon emissions. In this case, as in at least 10 other cases that have been decided in favor of the defendant companies, the CAA clearly does preempt Colorado law. It seems inevitable that the Supreme Court, if it grants the cert petition, would make the same ruling.
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Such a finding by the Supreme Court would reinforce a 2021 ruling by the Second Circuit Appeals Court that also upheld this longstanding principle of federal law. In City of New York v. Chevron Corp. (2021), the Second Circuit ruled that municipalities may not use state tort law to hold multinational companies liable for climate damages, since global warming is a uniquely international concern that touches upon issues of federalism and foreign policy. Consequently, the court called for the explicit application of federal common law, with the CAA granting the Environmental Protection Agency – not federal courts – the authority to regulate domestic greenhouse gas emissions. This Supreme Court, with its 6-3 conservative majority, should weigh in here and find in the same way.
Boulder-associated attorneys have become increasingly open to acknowledging the judicial lawfare inherent in their case, as they try to supplant federal regulatory jurisdiction with litigation meant to force higher energy prices rise for consumers. David Bookbinder, an environmental lawyer associated with the Boulder legal team, said the quiet part out loud in a recent Federalist Society webinar titled “Can State Courts Set Global Climate Policy. “Tort liability is an indirect carbon tax,” Bookbinder stated plainly. “You sue an oil company, an oil company is liable. The oil company then passes that liability on to the people who are buying its products … The people who buy those products are now going to be paying for the cost imposed by those products.”
Oh.
While Bookbinder recently distanced himself from the case, no notice of withdrawal had appeared in the court’s records as of this writing. Bookbinder also writes that “Gas prices and climate change policy have become political footballs because neither party in Congress has had the courage to stand up to the oil and gas lobby. Both sides fear the spin machine, so consumers get stuck paying the bill.”
Let’s be honest: The “spin machine” works in all directions. Make no mistake about it, consumers are already getting stuck paying the bill related to this long running lawfare campaign even though the defendants have repeatedly been found not to be liable in case after case. The many millions of dollars in needless legal costs sustained by the dozens of defendants named in these cases ultimately get passed to consumers via higher energy costs. This isn’t some evil conspiracy by the oil companies: It is Business Management 101.
Because the climate alarm lobby hasn’t been able to force its long-sought national carbon tax through the legislative process, sympathetic activists and plaintiff firms now pursue this backdoor effort in the nation’s courts. But their problem is that the law on this is crystal clear, and it is long past time for the Supreme Court to step in and put a stop to this serial abuse of the system.
David Blackmon is an energy writer and consultant based in Texas. He spent 40 years in the oil and gas business, where he specialized in public policy and communications.
Alberta
The case for expanding Canada’s energy exports
From the Canadian Energy Centre
For Canada, the path to a stronger economy — and stronger global influence — runs through energy.
That’s the view of David Detomasi, a professor at the Smith School of Business at Queen’s University.
Detomasi, author of Profits and Power: Navigating the Politics and Geopolitics of Oil, argues that there is a moral case for developing Canada’s energy, both for Canadians and the world.
CEC: What does being an energy superpower mean to you?
DD: It means Canada is strong enough to affect the system as a whole by its choices.
There is something really valuable about Canada’s — and Alberta’s — way of producing carbon energy that goes beyond just the monetary rewards.
CEC: You talk about the moral case for developing Canada’s energy. What do you mean?
DD: I think the default assumption in public rhetoric is that the environmental movement is the only voice speaking for the moral betterment of the world. That needs to be challenged.
That public rhetoric is that the act of cultivating a powerful, effective economic engine is somehow wrong or bad, and that efforts to create wealth are somehow morally tainted.
I think that’s dead wrong. Economic growth is morally good, and we should foster it.
Economic growth generates money, and you can’t do anything you want to do in social expenditures without that engine.
Economic growth is critical to doing all the other things we want to do as Canadians, like having a publicly funded health care system or providing transfer payments to less well-off provinces.
Over the last 10 years, many people in Canada came to equate moral leadership with getting off of oil and gas as quickly as possible. I think that is a mistake, and far too narrow.
Instead, I think moral leadership means you play that game, you play it well, and you do it in our interest, in the Canadian way.
We need a solid base of economic prosperity in this country first, and then we can help others.
CEC: Why is it important to expand Canada’s energy trade?
DD: Canada is, and has always been, a trading nation, because we’ve got a lot of geography and not that many people.
If we don’t trade what we have with the outside world, we aren’t going to be able to develop economically, because we don’t have the internal size and capacity.
Historically, most of that trade has been with the United States. Geography and history mean it will always be our primary trade partner.
But the United States clearly can be an unreliable partner. Free and open trade matters more to Canada than it does to the U.S. Indeed, a big chunk of the American people is skeptical of participating in a global trading system.
As the United States perhaps withdraws from the international trading and investment system, there’s room for Canada to reinforce it in places where we can use our resource advantages to build new, stronger relationships.
One of these is Europe, which still imports a lot of gas. We can also build positive relationships with the enormous emerging markets of China and India, both of whom want and will need enormous supplies of energy for many decades.
I would like to be able to offer partners the alternative option of buying Canadian energy so that they are less reliant on, say, Iranian or Russian energy.
Canada can also maybe eventually help the two billion people in the world currently without energy access.
CEC: What benefits could Canadians gain by becoming an energy superpower?
DD: The first and primary responsibility of our federal government is to look after Canada. At the end of the day, the goal is to improve Canada’s welfare and enhance its sovereignty.
More carbon energy development helps Canada. We have massive debt, an investment crisis and productivity problems that we’ve been talking about forever. Economic and job growth are weak.
Solving these will require profitable and productive industries. We don’t have so many economic strengths in this country that we can voluntarily ignore or constrain one of our biggest industries.
The economic benefits pay for things that make you stronger as a country.
They make you more resilient on the social welfare front and make increasing defence expenditures, which we sorely need, more affordable. It allows us to manage the debt that we’re running up, and supports deals for Canada’s Indigenous peoples.
CEC: Are there specific projects that you advocate for to make Canada an energy superpower?
DD: Canada’s energy needs egress, and getting it out to places other than the United States. That means more transport and port facilities to Canada’s coasts.
We also need domestic energy transport networks. People don’t know this, but a big chunk of Ontario’s oil supply runs through Michigan, posing a latent security risk to Ontario’s energy security.
We need to change the perception that pipelines are evil. There’s a spiderweb of them across the globe, and more are being built.
Building pipelines here, with Canadian technology and know-how, builds our competitiveness and enhances our sovereignty.
Economic growth enhances sovereignty and provides the resources to do other things. We should applaud and encourage it, and the carbon energy sector can lead the way.
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