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Carney government’s proposed tax cut misses the mark—twice

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From the Fraser Institute

By Jake Fuss and Grady Munro

On Monday, Parliament returns to the House of Commons, and the new Carney government will now attempt to implement the policy agenda it sold to Canadians in this year’s election. The government’s first priority is to follow through on its promise to cut personal income taxes for Canadians—a change that is long-overdue at the federal level. But the proposed cut misses two important considerations that will limit its effectiveness.

Specifically, the Carney government plans to lower the bottom federal personal income tax (PIT) rate (on income up to $57,375 per year) from 15 per cent to 14 per cent. The Liberal election platform suggests this change would reduce taxes for a dual-income family by up to $825 per year.

To be clear, the government should lower the tax burden on Canadians. When you add up all taxes (income taxes, sales taxes, property taxes, etc.) Canadians pay, the average family spends 43.0 per cent of its income on taxes—more than on food, shelter and clothing combined. In other words, taxes are the largest single expense families face.

While the Carney government’s proposed tax cut could help chip away at the staggering tax burden imposed on Canadians, the design of the tax cut (beyond the fact that this tax cut is paid for by borrowed money) limits its ability to improve overall economic growth and prosperity.

First, the proposed tax cut fails to improve economic incentives for many Canadians.

“Marginal” tax rates refer to the rate imposed on the next dollar of income earned. For example, consider an individual who earns $100 in income and owes $15 in total tax. If they are taxed at 20 cents on the next dollar they earn, they experience a 20 per cent marginal tax rate.

A wealth of research shows that marginal PIT rates influence the behaviour of individuals. Indeed, for decisions about whether to work more hours, take a new job that pays more but has a longer commute, become an entrepreneur, or whether to save your money and invest it, marginal PIT rates directly affect the rewards you receive from those decisions.

If the government lowers marginal tax rates, it provides a greater incentive for individuals to choose to engage more in these types of productive activities. As a result, Canadians and the overall economy will be more prosperous.

But by only reducing the PIT rate for the lowest federal tax bracket, the Carney government will lower marginal tax rates for some Canadians but fail to meaningfully reduce tax rates for high-skilled workers in particular. Many Canadians won’t see better incentives to work, save or invest, and the positive effect on the economy from the tax cut will be limited. Put simply, the narrow scope of the government’s proposed tax cut limits its effectiveness at improving incentives and increasing economic growth.

Second, the proposed tax cut does little to improve the competitiveness of Canada’s tax system.

In today’s interconnected world, countries must compete to attract the people (doctors, engineers, entrepreneurs, scientists, etc.) and investment that help improve economic growth and prosperity. While there are many factors that determine how attractive (or unattractive) a country is, lower and more attractive taxes play a big role.

There are many things that make Canada an attractive place to live and work, but our uncompetitively high income tax rates are not one of them. If you compare combined (federal and provincial) marginal PIT rates in every Canada province with those in every U.S. state, Canadians in every province face higher tax rates than Americans in virtually every state, across a variety of incomes.

For example, in 2023 an individual earning $50,000, $150,000 or $300,000 per year (in Canadian dollars) would face a higher marginal PIT rate in every Canadian province than they would in every U.S. state. And Canada is not just uncompetitive with the United States but with other advanced countries worldwide at the top levels of income.

By only reducing a tax rate for the lowest income bracket, the Carney government’s proposed tax cut does little to make Canada a more attractive destination for doctors, entrepreneurs, scientists or other skilled workers. In fact, the rate cut will likely have little to no effect on the decisions of people to move to (or keep living in) Canada. And do little to improve our living standards and prosperity.

As the Carney government works to deliver on its campaign promise to lower personal income taxes on Canadians, it should consider that the current plan does little to meaningfully improve economic incentives and tax competitiveness. Instead, it should consider more ambitious and broad-based tax cuts that affect incentives.

Jake Fuss

Director, Fiscal Studies, Fraser Institute

Grady Munro

Policy Analyst, Fraser Institute

 

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Canadians Will Pay For The Federal Budget Delay

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From the Frontier Centre for Public Policy

In his latest commentary, Lee Harding slams the Carney government for skipping the federal budget while plowing ahead with tax cuts and spending sprees. With no clear plan and ballooning deficits, Canadians wonder how these promises will be paid for—hint: more debt. Harding warns that Ottawa’s “figure it out later” approach is reckless, echoing past fiscal blunders that still haunt taxpayers today. Brace yourselves—this bill is coming.

The Carney government skipped the budget, but not the spending. And you’re on the hook

What’s better?

To spend and save without a plan, or to do so with accurate information and a focused strategy? The federal government has chosen the former, and one thing is certain: Canadians are going to pay.

Finance Minister François-Philippe Champagne announced on May 14 that the newly elected Carney government wouldn’t table a spring budget, opting instead to take things “step-by-step.” Parliament will sit until June 20, but aside from the throne speech, the only stated priority is to lower the first income tax bracket from 15 per cent to 14. That would slightly lower federal income taxes for most working Canadians by reducing the rate on the first $55,000 of income, saving up to about $550 a year.

That sounds good—until you ask how it’s being paid for. Without a budget, Canadians have no clear picture of the trade-offs or long-term costs.

Tabling a budget is the government’s formal presentation of its financial plan to Parliament. It outlines spending priorities, revenue forecasts and deficit projections for the year ahead. Skipping this step is no small matter.

“Cut taxes first, figure out how to pay later” isn’t the worst way to roll the dice, but it is far from the best. And we already know how Ottawa will cover the shortfall: more deficit spending. Canada hasn’t seen a balanced federal budget in nearly 20 years, and there’s no sign of one on the horizon.

Canadians will repay this tax cut with interest, sacrificing tomorrow’s services for today’s soundbites. This approach lacks fiscal prudence; doing it without a budget only compounds the recklessness.

Ottawa rarely fails to table a budget. The last time was during the height of the COVID pandemic in 2020. The results were disastrous: public debt surged and remains with us today. That was an unprecedented global crisis. There is no such emergency in 2025—only political calculation.

Carney claimed during the election campaign that proposed U.S. tariffs placed Canadians in “the greatest crisis of our lifetimes.” Yet, days later, he stood alongside U.S. President Donald Trump at the White House, smiling for photos and flashing a thumbs-up. For perspective, imagine Volodymyr Zelenskyy flying to Moscow to do the same with Vladimir Putin.

Some may argue the spring election left too little time before summer to draft a budget. But that doesn’t hold water. The Harper Conservatives won a majority on May 2, 2011, and still tabled a budget that spring. Carney’s cabinet includes many Trudeau-era veterans, and the Department of Finance remains staffed by experienced civil servants. The Liberals can and should produce a budget.

Parliament has even sat in July to pass urgent legislation. In 2020, MPs returned on July 20 to approve the Canada Emergency Wage Subsidy. In 1988, they stayed until July 7 to pass the Canada–U.S. Free Trade Agreement Implementation Act. There is precedent—and there is time.

Even when the Liberals do present budgets, they’ve only deepened Canada’s fiscal hole. On Dec. 31, 2015, the net federal debt stood at $693.8 billion. By the end of 2024, it had climbed to $953.9 billion—an increase of 37.4 per cent in just nine years. These debts will likely never be repaid.

A 2022 Fraser Institute study estimated that a 16-year-old Canadian will pay $29,663 in income taxes over her lifetime just to cover interest on the federal debt—money that won’t fund services but simply keep creditors happy.

The Liberals’ current platform is thin on discipline. It includes income tax cuts worth $4.2 billion and a GST exemption on first-time home purchases, costing $383 million. But these are overshadowed by broader spending.

Last year’s budget outlined $538 billion in spending, with $40 billion funded through borrowing. By fall, that deficit had grown past $60 billion. This year’s platform will make matters worse by $46.8 billion, even after factoring in $20 billion in retaliatory tariff revenues.

If the government struggles to follow its own budget when it sets one, how much damage might it do without one? Plenty.

Parliament must still approve any new spending through supplementary estimates—requests for additional funds beyond what’s already authorized. But without the context of a full budget, MPs will be asked to approve billions in spending without a clear picture of what’s affordable.

What would be refreshing, though unlikely, is for non-Liberal MPs to approve only measures that strengthen the Canadian economy, military and policing. They could reject everything else and argue that responsible spending can’t occur without a formal financial plan.

Governments should manage national finances like a responsible household: with a clear budget and the discipline to live within their means. Unfortunately, the Carney government appears unwilling—or unable—to do either.

 

Lee Harding is a research fellow with the Frontier Centre for Public Policy.

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Federal government’s ‘very different approach’ will further erode Ottawa’s finances

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From the Fraser Institute

By Jake Fuss and Grady Munro

This week, after five months off and one federal election, Parliament will start a new session in Ottawa. And federal finances should be a top priority.

Too much of anything can be harmful. In recent years, both the size of government in Canada and the government debt burden have grown too large, harming economic growth and living standards. Why? Because when government grows too large, it begins taking over functions and resources that are better left to the private sector.

Consider this. From 2014 to 2024, total government spending in Canada (federal, provincial and local) increased from 38.4 per cent (as a share of GDP) to 44.7 per cent—the second-fastest increase among 40 advanced countries worldwide. Consequently, the total size of government in Canada increased from 25th highest to 17th highest (out of the same 40 countries). Again, this means that government now essentially controls a significantly larger share of our economy.

During the same 10-year period, Canada’s gross government debt (federal, provincial and local) increased from 85.5 per cent (as a share of GDP) to 110.8 per cent—the third-fastest increase among the 40 countries. As such, Canada’s debt ranking among the 40 countries increased from 14th highest to 7th highest.

Why should Canadians care?

A large government debt burden lands squarely on the backs of Canadians. For example, governments and the private sector compete for the limited pool of savings available for borrowing. As governments increase the amount they borrow, there are fewer savings available for the private sector. All else equal, this drives up interest costs and makes it more expensive for families to take out a mortgage or businesses to attract investment.

Moreover, debt accumulation today will likely mean higher taxes in the future. Indeed, a 16-year old Canadian in 2025 will pay an estimated $29,663 over their lifetime in additional personal income taxes (that they otherwise wouldn’t pay) due to ballooning federal debt. In other words, by accumulating debt today, the government is disproportionately burdening younger generations with higher taxes in the future.

Of course, when talking about Canada’s overall debt load, the federal government plays a big role. The Carney government says it will “build Canada into the strongest economy in the G7” by employing a “very different approach” to federal fiscal policy than its predecessor. Yet the Carney campaign platform promises to add to Ottawa’s mountain of debt (which currently stands at a projected $2.2 trillion) by running huge annual deficits until at least 2028/29, even outspending the Trudeau government’s previous plan. This is not a “very different approach.”

The Carney government plans to table its first budget in the fall. As Parliament resumes, let’s hope the new prime minister shows real leadership by charting a clear path towards fiscal sustainability and stronger economic growth.

Jake Fuss

Director, Fiscal Studies, Fraser Institute

Grady Munro

Policy Analyst, Fraser Institute
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