Energy
Canada Embracing Carbon Capture and Storage (CCS) to Reduce Emissions and Sustain Energy Industry
From EnergyNow.ca
Alberta has firmly led the Canadian charge on CCS. It has more CO2 storage capacity than Norway, Korea, India, and double the entire Middle East, according to the Global CCS Institute.
Back in 2007, the Alberta and federal governments established a task force on carbon capture and storage (CCS) as a way of reducing emissions from oil, gas, and energy operations. That led to a report in 2008 that said: “CCS is seen as a technological solution that allows Canada to continue to increase its energy production while reducing (carbon dioxide) emissions from these activities. . . .
“CCS is strategically important to Canada for several reasons. First and foremost, Canada is endowed with an abundance of fossil fuels (including an unparalleled oil sands resource).”
The task force noted that public support for CCS was high, with 64% of the public being open to the idea of government financial support for CCS. All that happened under the Conservative Stephen Harper government, which, in 2015, lost power to the Justin Trudeau Liberals.
Trudeau himself went on to say in 2017 these memorable words: “No country would find 173 billion barrels of oil in the ground and leave them there.”
That’s not a message repeated since, and certainly not by his relentless minister of environment and climate change, Steven Guilbeault. On CCS, Guilbeault maintains that while carbon capture and storage “is happening in Canada,” it is not the “be-all and end-all.”
Much more positively, we now have Jonathan Wilkinson, Canada’s energy and natural resources minister, saying he expects 20 to 25 commercial-scale CCS projects to break ground in Canada within the next decade.
And we finally have what Ottawa first promised in 2021: a system of tax credits for investments in carbon capture — which industry sees as a way to get those 20 to 25 carbon-capture projects built.
The tax incentive covers up to 50 per cent of the capital cost of CCS and CCUS carbon-capture projects. Although energy company Enbridge points out that tax incentives in the U.S. are more attractive than what Canada is offering.
“CCUS” is one of the carbon-capture models. It stands for Carbon Capture Use and Storage or Carbon Capture Utilization and Sequestration. Under CCUS, captured carbon dioxide can be used elsewhere (for example, to increase the flow from an oilfield, or locked into concrete). Or it can be permanently stored underground, held there by rock formations or in deep saltwater reservoirs.
Canada’s climate plan includes this: “Increased use of CCUS features in the mix of every credible path to achieving net zero by 2050.”
As well, the feds have supported a couple of smaller CCS projects through the Canada Growth Fund and its “carbon contract for difference” approach.
To date, Alberta has firmly led the Canadian charge on CCS. It has more CO2 storage capacity than Norway, Korea, India, and double the entire Middle East, according to the Global CCS Institute.
From the Alberta government’s Canadian Energy Centre
In the most recent move in Alberta, Shell Canada announced it is going ahead with its Polaris carbon capture project in Alberta. It is designed to capture up to 650,000 tonnes of carbon dioxide annually from Shell’s Scotford refinery and chemicals complex near Edmonton.
That works out to approximately 40 per cent of Scotford’s direct CO2 emissions from the refinery and 22 per cent of its emissions from the chemicals complex.
Shell’s announcement sparked this from Wilkinson: “The Shell Polaris announcement last week was a direct result of the investment tax credit.”
Also in Alberta, the Alberta government notes: “The Alberta government has invested billions of dollars into carbon capture, utilization and storage (CCUS) projects and programs. . . . The Alberta government is investing $1.24 billion for up to 15 years in the Quest and Alberta Carbon Trunk Line (ACTL) projects.”
Quest is Shell’s earlier Scotford project. “The project is capturing CO2 from oil sands upgrading and transporting it 65 km north for permanent storage approximately 2 km below the earth’s surface. Since commercial operations began in 2015, the Quest Project has captured and stored over 8 million tonnes of CO2.”
The Alberta Carbon Trunk Line is a 240-km pipeline that carries CO2 captured from the Sturgeon Refinery and the Nutrien Redwater fertilizer plant to enhanced oil recovery projects in central Alberta. Since commercial operations began in 2020, the ACTL Project has captured and sequestered over 3.5 million tonnes of CO2.
Shell and partner ATCO EnPower now plan a new CCS project at Scotford. And, on a smaller scale, Entropy Inc. will add a second phase of CCS at its Glacier gas plant near Grande Prairie.
And those are just two of Alberta’s coming CCS projects. That province is working on at least 11 more that could lead to over $20 billion in capital expenditures and reduce about 24 million tonnes of emissions annually — the equivalent of reducing Alberta’s annual industrial emissions by almost 10 per cent.
And then there’s the giant CCS project proposed by the Pathways Alliance, a partnership representing about 95% of Canada’s oil sands production.
“The project would see CO2 captured from more than 20 oil sands facilities and transported 400 kilometers by pipeline to a terminal in the Cold Lake area, where it will be stored underground in a joint carbon-storage hub. . . . A final investment decision is expected in 2025.”
Alberta alone has more CO2 storage capacity than Norway, Korea, India, and double the entire Middle East, according to the Global CCS Institute.
When Wilkinson spoke in favor of CCS, Capital Power had just backed away from building a carbon-capture facility at its Genesee power plant in Alberta. But Enbridge, which would have built the associated storage hub, is still “strongly interested.”
In Saskatchewan, which also offers government support for CCS, more than 5 million tonnes of CO2 have been captured at SaskPower’s Boundary Dam 3 power plant. “Someone would have to plant more than 69 million trees and let them grow for 10 years to match that.”
In B.C., natural gas company FortisBC offers small-scale carbon-capture technology to help businesses that use natural gas to save energy and decrease greenhouse gas emissions.
And the B.C. government says that, potentially, two to six large-scale CCS projects could be developed in northeast B.C. over the next decade.
“Small-scale operations currently exist in B.C. that inject a mixture of CO2 and H2S (hydrogen sulfide) deep into underground formations. This process, which is referred to as acid-gas disposal, already occurs at 12 sites.”
Elsewhere, CCS projects are operating or being developed around the world, including in Australia, Denmark, and the U.S. A CCS project in Norway has been in operation for 28 years.
It took a while to get the ball rolling in Canada, but CCS/CCUS is here to stay, reducing emissions and keeping industries alive to contribute to the economy.
Energy
Trump Has A Plan To Fix The Electricity Grid — Increase Supply
From the Daily Caller News Foundation
By Bonner Cohen
Trump vowed in a second term to issue a “national emergency declaration to achieve a massive increase in domestic energy supply.”
Citing the need for more electricity to continue growing the artificial intelligence (AI) sector and keep the U.S. tech industry ahead of China, former President Donald Trump on Sept. 5 vowed in a second term to issue a “national emergency declaration to achieve a massive increase in domestic energy supply.”
But standing in the way of ramped up domestic energy production is a federal permitting process notorious for its foot-dragging. Some in Congress acknowledge the problem, but their latest effort to rectify the situation risks being overtaken by surging energy demand and troubling geopolitical realities.
Hoping to unravel the reams of red tape that have tied up transportation, energy, and mining projects for years, and in some cases killed them altogether, Sen. Joe Manchin (I-W.Va.) and Sen. John Barasso (R-Wyo.) want their colleagues to approve their “Energy Permitting Reform Act of 2024.” Centralizing decision-making on power transmission nationwide is the centerpiece of their legislation. Accordingly, it would bolster the Federal Energy Regulatory Commission’s (FERC) authority to approve interstate transmission lines and require interregional transmission planning.
In a bid to satisfy as many conflicting interests as possible, the bill establishes deadlines for filing lawsuits over energy and mining projects, and sets requirements for onshore and offshore oil, gas, coal and renewable energy leasing and permitting. It also includes provisions on hard-rock mining and sets a 90-day deadline for the secretary of Energy to grant or deny liquified natural gas (LNG) export applications, according to a summary of the legislation.
The bill is generally supported by such groups as the American Clean Power Association, the Solar Energy Industries Association, the American Council on Renewable Energy, Advanced Energy United, and Americans for a Clean Energy Grid, UtilityDive reported.
Many of the wind, solar and transmission-line projects favored by these groups have encountered the same permitting and litigation delays that have bedeviled fossil-fuel producers. On the other hand, the Sierra Club opposes the measure, finding it insufficiently hostile to fossil fuels and saying it “would open up federal lands and waters to more leasing and drilling and unnecessarily rush reviews of natural gas export projects…”
Aside from all the problems inherent in vesting so much authority in one federal bureaucracy, FERC, to handle the nation’s power transmission challenges, such conventional approaches are no match for the transformative developments already roiling America’s electricity supply. While politicians, along with some less-than-savvy investors, have been content to pour wads of public and private cash into the green energy transition, artificial intelligence (AI) is rapidly upending the world elites thought they knew.
Energy-hungry data centers — there are currently over 2,700 in the United States with hundreds more planned — need electricity 24/7/365 if they are to meet the extraordinary demands of AI. The amount of electricity AI-driven data centers require cannot be produced by intermittent solar and wind power transmitted hundreds if not thousands of miles from the sunny Southwest or the gusty plains of the Upper Midwest. Big Tech’s demands on an already shaky grid far outstrip anything politically fashionable solar panels and wind turbines can ever deliver. To their chagrin, the Big Four data center developers — Amazon Web Services, Google, Microsoft and Beta — now find themselves increasingly dependent on the very fossil fuels and — where available — nuclear power they have been so quick to dismiss over the years.
But given the choice of meeting their lofty Net-Zero carbon emissions goals or cashing in on AI’s financial promise, Big Tech will choose the second option. And the stakes go well beyond the companies’ respective bottom lines. Data centers are essential to AI, and AI is essential to national security. If the U.S. is not the global leader in AI, China (along with its junior partner, Russia) will be.
“AI can be the foundation of a new industrial base it would be wise for our country to embrace,” Sam Altman, co-founder and CEO of OpenAI, recently wrote in the Washington Post.
Ceding the United States’ current lead in AI to China would be a blow from which America’s industrial base, and thus its military preparedness, would be hard pressed to recover. Data centers, powered by a steady flow of reliable energy, are now key assets in the perilous world of 21st century geopolitics.
As neighbors in the communities in which they are located, data centers are a mixed blessing. They generate enormous revenues to local governments but can be seen by nearby residents as disruptive to their community. The non-descript but noisy buildings comprising data centers house thousands of computer servers processing the data that make the internet, cloud computing and AI possible. They not only require gobs of power but also plenty of water used to lower temperatures.
Together with government-driven efforts to put more EVs on the road, data centers further complicate the challenges facing the already stressed electric grid. These developments are beyond the reach of the horse-trading that goes into Capitol Hill legislation. What is clear, however, is that the vaunted green-energy transformation will never be equal to the task before us.
Bonner Russell Cohen, Ph. D., is a senior policy analyst with the Committee for a Constructive Tomorrow (CFACT).
Energy
BC should revisit nuclear energy to address BC Hydro shortages
From Resource Works
The short-term costs of nuclear SMRs are preferable to paying hundreds of millions to import foreign energy in the long-term.
British Columbia takes great pride in its tremendous hydroelectric resources, which result from the province’s many long, powerful rivers. For decades, BC has found it easy to rely on hydroelectricity as a clean, renewable source of power for homes, industry, and businesses.
However, the ongoing viability of hydropower in BC should be called into question due to worsening summer droughts and declining snowfalls, which have negatively impacted the annual supply of hydropower. BC has not seriously entertained the possibility of alternatives, even though other provinces have begun to embrace one particular source of energy that has been illegal here for over a decade: nuclear power.
By refusing to strike down the law passed in 2010 that prohibits the mining of uranium or the building of nuclear reactors, BC has made itself an outlier among its peers. Since last year, Ontario has announced plans to expand its existing nuclear capacity, which already provides the majority of the province’s electricity.
Alberta, Saskatchewan, and Nova Scotia have also begun to explore the possibility of expanding nuclear power to help power their growing provinces. BC has prohibited nuclear energy since passing the Clean Energy Act of 2010, which bans the building of reactors or mining uranium.
This prohibition is a barrier to diversifying BC’s energy supply, which has become more reliant on foreign energy. Due to energy shortages, BC Hydro had to import 15 to 20 percent of the energy required to meet the province’s needs.
Do not expect the situation to improve. Snowpacks are shrinking in the winter months, and summer droughts have become more frequent, which means BC’s dams will see a reduction in their power capacity. Power shortages may be on the horizon, leading to vastly more expensive purchases of foreign energy to meet BC’s growing electricity demand, driven by the construction of new homes and projects like LNG facilities on the coast.
Energy diversification is the solution, and nuclear power should be included, especially Small Modular Reactors (SMRs).
Low-carbon and reliable, SMRs can provide steady nuclear power in any season. They are flexible and much more cost-effective than traditional, large-scale nuclear reactors.
For a vast province like BC, filled with small communities separated by mountainous terrain, SMRs can be deployed with great ease to ensure energy stability in remote and Indigenous communities that still struggle with energy access. The Haida Nation, for example, is still reliant on diesel to supply its energy, which goes against the BC government’s clean energy goals and relies on fuel being shipped to the Haida Gwaii archipelago.
While SMRs are cheaper than massive nuclear reactors, they are still expensive and require strict safety regulations due to the ever-present risks associated with nuclear energy. However, is the cost of building nuclear facilities in the short term more expensive than importing energy for years to come?
In 2023, BC Hydro spent upwards of $300 million USD on imported energy, while the cost of the smallest SMR is $50 million, with the more expensive units costing up to $3 billion. Building SMRs now is the right decision from a cost-benefit perspective and in terms of BC’s clean energy goals because SMRs guarantee low-emitting energy, unlike imported energy.
The Clean Energy Act stands in the way of nuclear power’s emergence in BC. Amending it will be necessary for that to change.
BC is not going to need any less energy going forward.
It is high time to get over old fears and stereotypes of nuclear energy. Hydroelectricity need not be displaced as the cornerstone of BC’s energy supply, but it alone cannot face the challenges of the future.
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