Connect with us
[bsa_pro_ad_space id=12]

Alberta

ATA Collect $72 Million in Dues But Couldn’t Pay Striking Teachers a Dime

Published

18 minute read

Marco Navarro-Génie's avatar Marco Navarro-Génie

They Built a Sustaining Rainbow Bureaucracy Instead of a Warchest

Alberta’s teachers walked off the job twice in a few years, which surprised anyone who still believed the old line that teachers avoid confrontation. A strike strips an organization to its essentials. It reveals whether a union carries real strength or only the appearance of it. When the Alberta Teachers’ Association entered a province-wide strike, it took on the posture of a century-old institution, but it drew on reserves of something far younger and far leaner. One question hangs in the air: How did a union that has existed since 1918 arrive at a major labour showdown with so little capacity to sustain its members?

Haultain’s Substack is a reader-supported publication.

To receive new posts and support our work, please consider becoming a free or paid subscriber.

Try it out.

The answer, it turns out, is that the ATA spent a century perfecting the art of growing and protecting itself, but not the teachers who pay for it.

Early unions understood that withdrawing labour meant stepping into a void. Wages vanished at the factory door. Families survived on whatever the union could provide. From small collections grew one of the essential principles of organized labour: A union prepares for conflict by saving in peacetime. It builds the means to protect its members when negotiations break down.

When unions matured, industrial organizations built strike funds large enough to hold firm through prolonged stalemates. These reserves became equalizers. Without them, employers waited for hunger to do the work. With them, a union could bargain in earnest. Strike pay bought time. Time forced movement. Time was power.

Consider what proper unions accomplish. CUPE maintains a national strike fund holding $132.8 million as of 2023. With 650,000 members, that’s about $200 per member in reserve. CUPE pays striking workers $300 per week from day one, rising to $350 after eight weeks. OPSEU maintains a $70 million strike fund, paying $200 per week plus $50 per dependent, increasing to $300 per week at week four.

By contrast, the ATA had $25 million in its Special Emergency Fund when the recent strike began. That money lasted just over two weeks, covering member benefits, not strike pay. For a union with 51,000 members, that’s less than $500 per teacher. After those two weeks, the Association drained its general cash reserves. By the end of the three-week strike, the SEF was depleted. Compare this to CUPE’s $132 million for 650,000 members or OPSEU’s $70 million for 180,000 members, and the ATA’s inadequacy becomes stark.

A century of life gives any organization the chance to build such strength. Over decades it becomes serious. Over a century it becomes formidable. Yet when the association decided to strike on October 6, 2025, it had nothing approaching the reserve needed for a long contest. A union prepared for endurance needs a fund measured in the high tens of millions, not the low twenties. That cushion was missing.

Of course, it was missing. Building a war chest means acknowledging you might actually have to fight a war. Far safer to build a peacetime palace and hope nobody notices when the enemy arrives at the gates.

This weakness grew from the inward turn that overtakes institutions with stable revenue and public status. What begins as a tool for members becomes an organism that primarily protects itself. After the Teaching Profession Act of 1936 entrenched its place in Alberta’s landscape, the ATA expanded like any other public body—without constraint or self-examination. Staff increased. Departments multiplied. New programs became permanent fixtures. Over time, the structure thickened into bureaucracy.

Robert Michels observed more than a century ago that organizations drift toward oligarchy because staff become the custodians of continuity. Members cycle in and out. Staff remain. As this instinct grows, the organization develops a belief that its first duty is to preserve itself. The ATA is no exception. Salaries for staff, internal operations, communication units, legal services, research branches, and advocacy initiatives occupy the foreground of its budget. The association’s annual budget is approximately $50 million, with discretionary programming accounting for less than a quarter. The remainder goes to staff salaries, operations, and fixed expenditures. A strike fund becomes an afterthought. Annual fees for 2025-26 are set at $1,422 per teacher, generating roughly $72 million in yearly revenue. Where did it all go?

The ATA’s books are not open, but there is public evidence of where some spending goes. Much went to campaigns that had precious little to do with wages, benefits, or working conditions. The ATA maintains an elaborate apparatus devoted to social justice advocacy. It supports the Alberta GSA Network, produces extensive resources on sexual and gender minorities, runs a “Walking Together” reconciliation program complete with 25 Indigenous education facilitators, publishes anti-racism materials, maintains Diversity Equity Networks, and employs staff dedicated to promoting SOGI (Sexual Orientation and Gender Identity) inclusion in classrooms. When Premier Danielle Smith announced policies requiring parental notification for name and pronoun changes in schools, the ATA mobilized its complete communications apparatus to oppose the measures, with President Jason Schilling calling them “irresponsible and dangerous” and a “distraction from more important issues.” If that were so, Schilling allowed his organization to be distracted.

I am not passing judgment on whether their causes lack merit or that teachers shouldn’t care about them. That’s their business and their money. But a union exists first and foremost to protect the material interests of its members. When teachers lose a month’s salary because their union spent decades building a rainbow bureaucracy instead of a strike fund, the priorities become clear. The ATA allocated resources to produce toolkits on creating “SOGI-inclusive classrooms” and funded campaigns about transgender policy while its Special Emergency Fund remained woefully inadequate. It hired facilitators to deliver workshops on dismantling anti-Indigenous racism, but couldn’t pay striking teachers a dime. This is ideology dressed up as unionism, performance masquerading as protection.

Share

Haultain’s Substack is a reader-supported publication.

To receive new posts and support our work, please consider becoming a free or paid subscriber.

Try it out.

And here’s the greater irony: when teachers walked the picket lines, union executives kept drawing their salaries. Strike or no strike, the apparatus hummed along. The people running the ATA never missed a paycheque while the members they represent watched their bank accounts drain. In the 2025 strike, teachers lost a month’s salary. In return for this sacrifice, they gained precisely nothing. The settlement forced upon them by the government’s Back to School Act offered no improvement over what was available before they walked out. In fact, 89.5 per cent of teachers had already rejected this very offer on September 29, before the strike even began. In an era of persistent inflation, that lost income hurts. It hurt while union apparatchiks cashed their cheques on schedule.

The pattern of misplaced priorities extends beyond budgeting. When governments announce reforms, the ATA responds with press conferences, research papers, social media campaigns, and policy briefs. These are the tools of a professional bureaucracy, revolutionary in rhetoric, managerial in practice. They convey activity. They project influence. They cost a fortune. The ATA spent approximately $1.2 million on communications advocacy campaigns. Yet none of these tools matter when the government decides to hold firm during wage negotiations. Only endurance matters. Endurance rests on savings. Discipline has been scarce, but glossy newsletters have been plentiful.

The ATA fashions itself as the vanguard of progressive change, draping its pronouncements in the language of social justice and systemic transformation. It speaks like Che Guevara but budgets like a mid-tier insurance company. This is the defanged wolf: all growl, no bite. When push comes to shove, when teachers actually need material support to withstand a strike and make it count, the revolutionary rhetoric evaporates like morning dew. What remains is a comfortable administrative class that has confused advocacy theatre with actual power.

For a union that seeks to control so much of the province’s educational life, the ATA demonstrated a remarkable inability to control its own strike capacity. When the moment arrived to exercise the most fundamental power a union possesses—the withdrawal of labour—it had nothing. This is not the behaviour of a serious labour organization. This is the behaviour of a professional association that occasionally remembers it is supposed to be a union.

The ATA speaks of solidarity and resolve. It encourages teachers to show unity. It frames strikes as moral moments. It talks tough, pushed by its political branch, the NDP. Yet solidarity without resources is fragile. Resolve without savings falters when the bills arrive. A union that accepts going on strike without the means to sustain its membership hands the employer a strategic advantage from the outset. Employers read the same budgets. A union with a thin reserve can shout but cannot stand long, no matter what assurances Nenshi and their political allies make. The employer knows time will do the work. The people insulated from this reality are the NDP MLAs who cheered them on and the union administrators whose paycheques never depend on winning the fight.

It becomes difficult to tell whether the ATA has become an arm of the NDP or whether the NDP serves as the political branch of the ATA. Either way, the relationship has proven costly and fruitless. Opposition leader Naheed Nenshi stood ready with soundbites throughout the strike, encouraging teachers to hold firm while offering nothing of material value. NDP MLAs treated striking teachers and disrupted students as convenient instruments to embarrass the government, cheering on a labour action that could never succeed without the financial backing to sustain it. The enemy of your employer is not necessarily your friend. An independent union would have recognized this and built its strength accordingly, rather than spending resources and political capital on an alliance that delivers applause but not wages.

But it’s a professional association and not a conventional trade union, many will say. Members chose to strike against the leadership’s recommendations. That only seals the argument: It is an admission that the organization has no business going on strike. And if the membership voted for a strike, the leadership should have resigned. No youth leader would ever accept leading Girl Guides into a battlefield against seasoned warriors.

If the NDP functions as the political arm of the ATA, then the union has wasted considerable time and treasure on a supremely ineffective partner. A union serious about protecting its members would invest in strike capacity, not in subsidizing a moribund political movement that cannot deliver victories.

The institutional incentives explain much of this failure. Once an organization builds programs and layers of administration, cutting them becomes painful. Every department has defenders. Every initiative has champions. A strike fund has no constituency except prudence, and prudence has no allies among radicals. Prudence is no match for the seductive appeal of another communications coordinator or tattoo-covered diversity officer. Virtue-signalling solidarity wants no sacrifice. It is easier still when the people making these decisions know they will be paid regardless of whether the teachers they represent can hold out through week three of a strike.

Alberta teachers should demand clarity. They have paid dues for generations. They are told the association exists to protect them. Protection cannot be rhetorical. It must take the form of financial strength when the moment demands it. If the ATA built a bureaucracy instead of a war chest, if it prioritized the comfort of its administrative class over the security of its members, then teachers deserve that truth without varnish. They deserve to know why their union leadership never missed a meal while asking them to tighten their belts for the cause.

The defanged wolf is hurt now. It lashes out with its claws, backing recall campaigns against elected officials and organizing petitions to defund non-ATA school instruction. A Calgary high school teacher and ATA governing council representative wants to end public funding for Alberta’s independent schools, where roughly 2,000 teachers work outside ATA membership, costing the association approximately $2.84 million in foregone dues revenue annually. The petition to defund independent schools masquerades as concern for public education but reeks of institutional self-interest. Those 2,000 teachers represent nearly $3 million in annual dues that never reach ATA coffers. The defunding campaign is not about protecting students. It is about eliminating competition and conscripting teachers into membership. This is the Borg logic of an assimilating monopoly, not solidarity.

Wolves can be declawed, too. A union that cannot win at the bargaining table but insists on fighting everywhere else will find itself further diminished, further isolated, and ultimately less able to serve the teachers who still pay its bills. Vindictiveness is not a substitute for competence, and performative rage cannot replace the strength that comes from prudent preparation.

A century of dues offered the ATA a chance to build real power for its members. That chance slipped away into offices, programs, campaigns, and the salaries of people who never had to worry about surviving a strike because they were never actually on strike. The next century should begin with a different understanding of duty, rooted in prudence rather than performance, in stewardship rather than self-preservation, and in the recognition that a union leadership that doesn’t share the risks of its members has no business sending them into battle.

A defanged wolf can howl all it wants. Until it grows its teeth back, no one needs to take it seriously.

Share

To receive new posts and support our work, please consider becoming a free or paid subscriber.

Try it out.

Todayville is a digital media and technology company. We profile unique stories and events in our community. Register and promote your community event for free.

Follow Author

Alberta

Alberta Sports Hall of Fame Announces Class of 2026 Inductees

Published on

The Alberta Sports Hall of Fame is proud to announce its Class of 2026 inductees, celebrating outstanding athletes, builders, and contributors who have made a lasting impact on Alberta’s sporting community. From motorsport to rugby, rowing, and basketball, this year’s class represents excellence, dedication, and passion for sport across the province.

The Induction Ceremony will take place on Saturday, June 6, 2026, at the Red Deer Resort & Casino. Ticket information will be announced at a later date.

“Each year, the Alberta Sports Hall of Fame has the honour of recognizing remarkable individuals who have shaped sport in our province. The Class of 2026 is no exception,” said Alberta Sports Hall of Fame Board Chair Murray Cunningham. “This group includes Olympians, record breakers, and dedicated sport builders whose impact reaches far beyond competition. We are proud to celebrate their achievements and preserve their stories for future generations.”

Class of 2026 Inductees:

Jen Kish — Rugby Athlete

Jen Kish emerged as a standout talent early, earning her spot on the national team at just 17. Over the next 13 years, she became one of the country’s most influential rugby players, ultimately serving as captain of Canada’s Women’s Rugby Sevens team during its rise onto the world stage. Under her leadership, Canada achieved a series of historic results: silver at the 2013 Rugby World Cup Sevens, gold at the 2015 Pan American Games, and a bronze medal at the 2016 Rio Olympics—the first Olympic tournament for women’s rugby sevens. Her work ethic, competitive intensity, and ability to build trust and resilience became defining elements of the team’s culture. Beyond competition, Kish continued to break ground as an advocate for inclusion, representation, and mental health awareness. She has mentored young athletes at camps, schools, and community events across Alberta, helping broaden the sport’s reach and support future generations. Recognized as an inductee of both the Rugby Canada Hall of Fame and the Edmonton Sports Hall of Fame, Jen remains a powerful voice and mentor within Canadian rugby, solidifying her legacy as a world-class competitor and leader on and off the field.

Shannon Kleibrink — Curling Athlete

Shannon Kleibrink has been a major force in Canadian curling for more than two decades. She began competing at the national level in the early 1990s and went on to become a five-time Alberta Women’s Champion and four-time Alberta Mixed Champion. In 2004, she made history as the only woman to skip a team to a Canadian Mixed Curling Championship title. Kleibrink’s success continued on the world stage. She won an Olympic bronze medal at the 2006 Winter Games and competed in five Scotties, earning multiple national and Grand Slam titles. She also secured three medals at the Canadian Olympic Trials during her competitive career, which spanned from 1993 to 2018 before returning at the senior level in 2023. Beyond competition, Shannon has significantly shaped the sport through coaching and development. As Curling Alberta’s Director of Community Curling Centre Development, she has strengthened rural clubs, expanded post-secondary curling programs, and supported grassroots growth across the province.

James Steacy — Hammer Throw Athlete

James Steacy launched his athletic career at the University of Lethbridge, where he became a five-time CIS weight throw champion and set a national university record that still stands today. His success propelled him onto the international stage, beginning a 17-year career representing Canada. Steacy captured gold at the 2007 Pan American Games and made history at the 2008 Beijing Olympics as the first Canadian in 84 years to reach the hammer throw final. He continued to lead Canadian throwing through the next decade, serving as captain of Canada’s track and field team at the 2012 London Olympics and winning Commonwealth Games gold in 2014. Along the way, Steacy claimed 11 national titles and set a Canadian hammer throw record of 79.13 metres, which remained unbroken for 15 years. After retiring from competition, Steacy remains committed to his community, mentoring young athletes and supporting the Lethbridge sports community.

Kasia Gruchalla-Wesierski — Rowing Athlete

Kasia Gruchalla-Wesierski began her athletic career as an alpine skier before shifting to rowing in 2014 with the Calgary Rowing Club. Her rapid rise in the sport led to her joining the Canadian senior national team in 2018, marking the start of her impact on the world stage. She became a key member of Canada’s women’s eight, contributing to multiple World Cup podiums and earning a bronze medal at the 2022 World Rowing Championships. One of the defining moments of her career came at the Tokyo 2020 Olympic Games. Just weeks before competition, she suffered a severe cycling accident—breaking her collarbone, bruising her hip, and requiring 56 stitches. Her five-week comeback to reclaim her seat culminated in winning Olympic gold with the W8+, one of the most celebrated stories of the Games. Kasia continued to excel, capturing silver in the women’s eight at Paris 2024 and winning gold at the 2024 World Cup in Lucerne. Beyond competition, she remains deeply involved in the rowing community as a coach in Calgary and will serve as an Athlete Services Officer with the Canadian Olympic Committee at the 2026 Milano Cortina Winter Olympics.

Dennis Allen — Multisport Builder

Dennis Allen has spent a lifetime shaping sport in Alberta as both an athlete and a builder. His time with the 1963-1965 Lethbridge North Star Fastball teams earned him induction into the Softball Alberta Hall of Fame (2003) and the Lethbridge Sports Hall of Fame (2007). Allen’s work as a sport builder began in 1986 when he served as Chair of the Alberta Summer Games in Edson, earning Citizen of the Year for his leadership. That role launched nearly 30 years of service to the Alberta games, where he led marketing, operations, volunteer development, and facility upgrades that supported athlete pathways and contributed to the development of more than 50 future Olympians. He later played a key role in strengthening the Alberta Sports Hall of Fame, helping raise funds for the construction of its current facility and serving as both Director and Chairman of the Board. Known for his mentorship and forward-thinking approach, Allen championed youth engagement programs such as “Live Outside the Box” and secured funding that expanded sport opportunities across the province. His work has left a lasting impact on Alberta’s sport infrastructure, community development, and athlete success at every level.

Bernard “Bernie” Haley — Hockey Builder

Bernard “Bernie” Haley began his hockey career as an elite player, winning an NCAA national championship with the University of North Dakota before moving into senior hockey. He later shifted his focus to officiating, quickly rising through the ranks thanks to his exceptional skating, professionalism, and command of the game. Over his career, Haley officiated across multiple levels of Canadian hockey, including the WHA, national championships, Memorial Cup finals, and the Canada Winter Games, where he was consistently assigned medal rounds and championship games. His skill earned him international recognition as well—he represented Canada as its lone official at several IIHF World Championships and at the 1980 Winter Olympics, where his composure and authoritative presence drew widespread respect. Beyond the ice, Haley shaped the sport through more than 20 years as Hockey Alberta’s Zone 4 assignor, mentoring generations of officials, leading clinics, and instilling the values of preparation, discipline, and respect for the game. His contributions have been honoured through numerous awards, including his Level VI National High Performance Referee designation, the Alberta Achievement Award of Excellence, and the “Bernie Haley Award for Officiating,” named in his honour. Together, these achievements cement his legacy as one of Alberta’s and Canada’s most influential officials and builders in hockey.

Donna Rudakas — Basketball Builder

Donna Rudakas began shaping Alberta basketball in the early years of her coaching career, eventually joining the University of Calgary Dinos and leading the women’s program through a dominant 14-year run. Under her guidance, the Dinos made 13 playoff appearances, captured five Canada West titles, and delivered a historic undefeated 36-0 season in 1988–89—part of a remarkable 69-game winning streak, one of the longest in North American women’s basketball. Donna was known for her forward-thinking approach, pioneering offensive and defensive systems built around the newly introduced three-point line. Her leadership developed numerous national team players, All-Canadians, and athletes who went on to professional and high-profile careers. Off the court, she became a powerful advocate for women in sport. Rudakas delivered clinics, camps, and leadership programs across Alberta, promoting participation, academic success, and lifelong confidence through basketball. Her commitment to developing athletes and empowering young women earned her multiple coaching honours and deep respect across the Canadian basketball community. Widely regarded as a visionary builder, Rudakas’ influence continues to shape the game—and the players—who follow in her footsteps.

Dale Schulha — Multisport Builder

Dale Schulha began his athletic journey as a multi-sport standout at McNally Composite High School, competing on seven teams in his senior year. He went on to play defensive back for the University of Alberta Golden Bears from 1968 to 1972, serving as team captain during the 1971 and 1972 College Bowl Championship seasons. After completing his education, Schulha entered the Edmonton Public School system as a teacher and quickly moved into coaching. He guided teams at both the high school and junior football levels, coached at Medicine Hat College, and later became Head Coach of the Medicine Hat Rattlers in the Alberta Junior Football League. Schulha transitioned into senior sport administration, holding several leadership roles before serving two terms as the University of Alberta’s Director of Athletics. In that role, he oversaw 25 varsity teams, 80 staff, and more than 475 student-athletes, while helping shape the broader landscape of Canada West and Canadian Interuniversity Sport. He was also a key contributor to the 1983 World University Summer Games in Edmonton. In recognition of his impact, Schulha received the Austin-Matthew Award in 2014 for outstanding contributions to Canadian University sport.

Bud Steen — Football Builder

Bud Steen is regarded as one of Canadian football’s most influential officials and builders. His career began in the late 1970s and grew into more than 30 years on the field, working over 500 CFL games and receiving seven Grey Cup referee assignments—one of the league’s highest honours for an official. Known for his calm presence, professionalism, and command of the rulebook, Steen helped elevate the role of officiating across Canada. In the late 1990s, he founded the Canadian Professional Football Officials Association and served as its first president for 12 years. Under his leadership, the association secured the CFL’s first formal employment agreement for officials, introduced comprehensive insurance coverage, and improved working conditions and professional standards across the league. Steen’s impact extended far beyond game days. He has mentored officials at every level, led decades of film and rules clinics, created Alberta’s Junior Officials Program, and helped implement league-wide evaluation and grading systems that strengthened training and accountability within the CFL. After retiring from on-field officiating in 2010, he continued to serve the league as a game supervisor, evaluator, and rules coach, earning respect from officials, coaches, and players alike. His leadership has been recognized through the CFL Commissioner’s Award and numerous honours for mentorship and professionalism.

1995 Calgary Canucks — Hockey Team

The 1995 Calgary Canucks stand as one of Alberta’s greatest junior hockey teams, built entirely from local Hockey Calgary talent. After finishing second in the regular season, the Canucks powered through the AJHL playoffs to win the league title and then captured the Doyle Cup, earning their spot at the Centennial Cup in Ottawa. Their national championship run became one of the most memorable in tournament history. In the final, the Canucks forced overtime with a goal in the last minute of regulation before Jason Abramoff scored the winner, securing Calgary’s first national title and the final championship contested under the Centennial Cup name before it became the Royal Bank Cup. The team’s success showcased the strength of Calgary’s grassroots development system and reinforced the city’s status as a junior hockey powerhouse. Defined by resilience, leadership, and a deep commitment to team play, the 1995 Calgary Canucks left a legacy that continues to influence junior hockey in Alberta and across Canada.

David Moir —Bell Memorial

David Moir has built a remarkable career in Canadian sports broadcasting after an accomplished athletic youth. Growing up in Calgary, he excelled in football, basketball, hockey, and track and field—earning city championships, All-Star honours, and setting junior football records with the Calgary Colts. He transitioned into sports media in the early 1980s and quickly became a trusted statistician and graphics coordinator for Calgary Flames broadcasts and CFL coverage. Over more than 40 years, Moir has contributed to 37 Grey Cups, 21 Stanley Cup Finals, 8 Olympic Games—including the iconic 2010 Vancouver Olympic hockey gold medal game—and numerous world championship events. He is widely respected for his precision, professionalism, and ability to anticipate broadcaster needs in high-pressure environments. Known for elevating the quality of live sports coverage, Moir has worked alongside many of Canada’s leading media personalities and is regarded as “at the top of his craft.” His decades of service have strengthened sports broadcasting nationwide and reflect a lifelong commitment to Alberta athletics and storytelling.

Allen Berg — Motorsport Achievement

Allen Berg is one of Alberta’s most accomplished motorsport athletes and remains the only Albertan to compete in Formula 1. Raised in Calgary, he began karting in the late 1970s and quickly rose through the ranks, winning back-to-back Alberta championships. He advanced into Formula Ford and Formula F, earning multiple Rookie of the Year awards and Canadian Driver of the Year honours before moving onto the international stage. Berg competed in British Formula 3, finishing second overall in 1984. His success earned him a Formula 1 contract with Osella, and in 1986 he competed in nine Grand Prix events against some of the sport’s greatest drivers. He later transitioned into endurance racing, taking part in major events such as the 24 Hours of Le Mans and the IMSA Daytona 24 Hours. After retiring from professional competition, Berg turned his focus to mentorship and driver development. He founded the Allen Berg Racing School, where he has trained more than 10,000 drivers across Canada, the United States, Mexico, and Europe, advancing driver safety and high-performance training worldwide. Inducted into the Canadian Motorsport Hall of Fame in 2019, Berg’s career reflects international success, a dedication to education, and a lasting impact on motorsport in Alberta and beyond.

Dr. Bob Bratton — Volleyball Pioneer

Dr. Bob Bratton is a trailblazer who helped turn volleyball in Alberta from a casual pastime into a powerhouse sport.He discovered the game at 20 while in graduate school in Chicago, earning a silver medal at the U.S. collegiate championship before bringing his passion north. Over the next several decades, Bratton became one of the sport’s strongest architects—serving more than 20 years as President of the Alberta Volleyball Association and later as Vice-President of Volleyball Canada, where he advanced player development, coaching standards, and officiating programs nationwide. As head coach of the University of Calgary men’s team from 1962 to 1976, he led Canada’s first university volleyball tour of Europe, opening doors for international competition. Alberta’s first National Referee, Bratton also created the Masters Officials Program—still a benchmark for training officials at every level. He authored coaching manuals, hosted clinics and camps across the province, and played a key role in bringing the Canadian Men’s National Team to Calgary. Inducted into both the Volleyball Canada Hall of Fame (2003) and Volleyball Alberta Hall of Fame (2005), Bratton’s impact is lasting. His vision and leadership helped establish Alberta as one of the country’s strongest centres for volleyball—nationally and internationally.

“As we embark on the induction journey, our team is genuinely excited to connect with and learn more about each member of the Class of 2026. Every inductee carries an inspiring story shaped by passion, resilience, and achievement. It is a privilege for us to help share these stories with Albertans, and we look forward to celebrating this exceptional group throughout the year,” said Executive Director Tracey Kinsella.

The Alberta Sports Hall of Fame continues to celebrate and preserve the rich sporting heritage of Alberta. Join us in recognizing these incredible contributors at the 2026 Induction Ceremony.

Continue Reading

Alberta

Carney’s pipeline deal hits a wall in B.C.

Published on

This article supplied by Troy Media.

Troy MediaBy Rashid Husain Syed

Carney’s attempt to ease Canada’s dependence on the U.S. stirs a backlash in B.C., raises Indigenous concerns and rattles his own party

The Memorandum of Understanding (MOU) between Prime Minister Mark Carney and Alberta Premier Danielle Smith has opened a political hornet’s nest, exposing deep divisions within the Liberal Party and forcing a national debate that has been avoided for years.

Carney was under mounting pressure to respond to U.S. tariffs that threaten to carve billions out of Canada’s economy. The United States buys more than 95 per cent of Canada’s oil exports, leaving the country highly exposed to U.S. policy decisions. That pressure is now driving his push for a route to the Pacific, a project that could change Canada’s economic future but also destabilize his already fragile minority government.

Carney knows the political risk. His government could fall at any time, which only raises the stakes. Even so, he has pressed ahead. The agreement with Alberta lays early groundwork for a new pipeline to the Pacific. It would expand the oil sands, ease some environmental obligations and revive a proposal industry leaders have pushed for years.

The route is far from settled, but it is expected to run to B.C.’s northern coast and open access to Asian buyers. A Pacific route would finally give Canada a direct path into Asian energy markets, where demand remains strong and prices are often higher than in the United States.

If Carney expected broad support, he did not get it, especially in British Columbia. Because B.C. is the only province with a deep-water port capable of handling large crude carriers, it is the only path a west-coast pipeline can take. The province is now the central battleground, and whether the project succeeds will depend on what happens there.

B.C. Premier David Eby criticized the lack of consultation. “It would have been good for B.C. to be at the table,” he said, warning that the project risks undermining Indigenous support for the province’s liquefied natural gas plans. He also noted that the pipeline has no private backer and no commitments from First Nations, two obstacles that have tripped up projects before.

The backlash quickly spread to Ottawa. Steven Guilbeault, the former environment minister and the most prominent environmentalist ever to serve in a federal cabinet, resigned from cabinet in direct response to the MOU. He said the proposed pipeline “would have major environmental impacts”. Green Party Leader Elizabeth May said his departure “dashes the last hope that Mark Carney is going to have a good climate record ever.”

Several B.C. Liberal MPs echoed concerns about the political cost. CBC News reported anger inside the caucus, with some MPs “seething” over the agreement and worried about losing climate-focused voters.

The voters those MPs fear may not be as opposed as they think. An October Angus Reid Institute survey found that a solid majority of Canadians support a pipeline from northern Alberta to the northwest B.C. coast. In British Columbia, support outweighs opposition by a wide margin. That challenges Eby’s claim that the project lacks public backing. Carney may have more room to manoeuvre than his critics admit.

The most significant challenge, however, comes from Indigenous leaders. British Columbia is the only province that has formally adopted the United Nations Declaration on the Rights of Indigenous Peoples (UNDRIP) into law, giving First Nations a stronger legal position in major project decisions. Court rulings over the past two decades have affirmed a duty to consult and, in some cases, accommodate Indigenous communities, giving them major influence over large projects.

A group representing Coastal First Nations in B.C. said the pipeline “will never happen”. The Union of B.C. Indian Chiefs said it is “loudly objecting” to the MOU, arguing it was drafted without involvement from coastal First Nations and does not meet consultation standards outlined in UNDRIP. “The answer is still no and always will be,” said UBCIC Grand Chief Stewart Phillip. He also said lifting the crude oil tanker ban would amount to bulldozing First Nation rights. Without Indigenous consent, the project cannot proceed, and Carney knows this is the single largest barrier he faces.

Carney’s reasoning is straightforward. The long-term danger of relying on one market outweighs the short-term turbulence created by the pipeline fight. The MOU suggests Ottawa is prepared to reconsider projects once thought politically impossible in order to protect Canada’s economic future. He is betting that doing nothing is the bigger risk.

Whether this pipeline moves forward is uncertain, and the obstacles are real. One fact, however, remains clear. Canada cannot keep betting its stability on a single market.

Toronto-based Rashid Husain Syed is a highly regarded analyst specializing in energy and politics, particularly in the Middle East. In addition to his contributions to local and international newspapers, Rashid frequently lends his expertise as a speaker at global conferences. Organizations such as the Department of Energy in Washington and the International Energy Agency in Paris have sought his insights on global energy matters.

Troy Media empowers Canadian community news outlets by providing independent, insightful analysis and commentary. Our mission is to support local media in helping Canadians stay informed and engaged by delivering reliable content that strengthens community connections and deepens understanding across the country.

Continue Reading

Trending

X