Connect with us

Economy

Canada’s Lost Energy Decade!

Published

11 minute read

From Energy Now

By Jim Warren

Canada’s Energy Industry 10 Year Political Battle Fatigue With the Trudeau Liberals Wasn’t Fatal…and It Never Will Be!

A decade of doing battle with the Justin Trudeau Liberals was exhausting, but if history is a reliable guide, the supporters of the conventional energy sectors in the West have what it takes to recover.

Get the Latest Canadian Focused Energy News Delivered to You! It’s FREE: Quick Sign-Up Here


Enduring a decade of political ineptitude under the leadership of one of the worst prime ministers in Canadian history was difficult. We were stuck with Justin Trudeau from November 4, 2015 until March 14, 2025.

Justin is essentially gone from public view for now. But during his time in office he dominated our political life, and not in a good way.

Ten years is a nice round number. It provides the sort of time frame journalists and historians like to summarize and name. We’ve had the Roaring Twenties, the Dirty Thirties and, more recently the Me Decade of the 1970s.

For those who hope to learn from history there is value in ensuring the experience of the oil producing provinces in the West is incorporated into the written record of the Justin years.

It seems reasonable to expect that 10 plus years of fighting against Ottawa’s anti-oil, gas and coal crusade has had an effect on the collective psyche of the citizens of Alberta and Saskatchewan. While the overall effect may be far less severe than the PTSD soldiers and first responders experience – it’s still reasonable to assume nearly a decade of high unemployment and lost incomes leaves some kind of mark.

The ten lost years of the 1930s are nearly beyond the living memory of people on the prairies. However, the combined effects of severe protracted drought and the global collapse in agricultural commodity prices were permanently seared into the social fabric of Alberta and Saskatchewan.

There was plenty of despair and economic hardship to be found back then. But despite being knocked down, prairie people fought back by radically reforming our political institutions. Sure, in hindsight Social Credit and the earlier versions of the CCF had some nutty ideas (the CCF moreso). Nevertheless the governments they ran helped people crawl out from under the wreckage of the Great Depression.

Similarly, in the wake of the Pierre Trudeau government’s National Energy Program, Alberta and Saskatchewan fought successfully for the strengthening of the rights of provinces over their natural resources in the 1982 rewrite of Canada’s Constitution. Who knew back then that Justin Trudeau’s government would run roughshod over constitutionally guaranteed provincial rights?

Still, it is a comfort to know that resisting adversity in novel ways to defend and advance our economic interests is a big part of our cultural heritage. The fact that an increasing number of people in this part of country are exercising our historical penchant for self-defence is encouraging.  But, as was the case back in the dust-bowl days of the 1930s and under the NEP in the 1980s, a lot of families on the prairies got clobbered during the Justin Trudeau years.

People working in the petroleum and gas sectors and their political supporters were demonized by the environmental movement and Ottawa. Worse yet, as Alberta’s Allan report indicates, the Justin Trudeau government awarded over $300 million in grants to the environmental groups attacking Western oil during just its first four years in office. At the same time, the federal government hit the producing provinces with anti-fossil fuel and anti-pipeline legislation. Yet, despite the best efforts of their provincial governments, the conventional energy industries couldn’t catch a break.

Despite it all, people on the prairies enjoyed a burst of optimism in 2024. Pierre Poilievre and the Conservatives had Trudeau on the run. The Conservatives promised to reverse the environmental laws and regulations which were so damaging to the fortunes of gas and oil. But, as it turned out, 2025 will go down as a year of spectacular political disappointment on the prairies. Ten years of confrontation and conflict with Ottawa was followed by our forlorn hope that the Liberals would be driven from office – it was psychologically exhausting and more than enough to make a lot of people once again search for radical solutions.

The Justin Trudeau Liberals were dedicated to cancelling the future of Canada’s petroleum and natural gas industries. Accordingly, they foreclosed on industry efforts to build the new export pipelines.

The prospect of new pipelines gave some hope to people employed in the petroleum sector. This was because the pipelines promised to increase the value and volume of our oil exports. It was the industry’s way of taking positive action to increase revenues and create jobs during the period of depressed oil prices.

The Liberals’ assault on the fortunes of the gas and petroleum sectors was particularly disturbing to the tens of thousands of people from Alberta and Saskatchewan who lost their jobs due to the combination of low oil prices and Liberal anti-oil policies. Job losses in the petroleum sector and the closely related manufacturing* and construction sectors hit 88,900 in the two provinces in 2017. During 2020, the first COVID year, there were 130,600 fewer people employed in those three industries than there were in late 2014, when oil prices collapsed.

No surprise, provincial government revenues suffered Trudeau effects. Alberta’s oil, gas and coal royalty revenues combined with land sale revenues declined from $9.6 billion in 2013-2014 to just $2.8 billion by 2015-2016. Finally, during the mini-boom associated with the end of most of the COVID mandates in 2022 the Alberta government’s fossil fuel royalty and land sale revenues rebounded to $12.2 billion.

Saskatchewan’s oil and gas royalty and land sale revenues for 2013-2014 (the last full fiscal year before the price collapse) were $2.1 billion. Its revenues had fallen to $0.94 billion by 2016-2017. The province’s royalty and land sale revenues rose to $2.9 billion thanks to the 2022 post-COVID bounce.

As if all of the foregoing weren’t enough to ruin the decade, we had to cope with COVID and mandate madness. The Liberals’ imposition of the Emergencies Act to prevent horn honking in Ottawa by mandate protesters will be remembered as an egregious assault on the civil liberties of blue collar Canadians. The government seized the bank accounts of Freedom Convoy participants and their supporters and prosecutors have been persecuting Tamara Lich and Chris Barber for over three years.

Westerners who’ve compared the federal government’s kid gloves treatment of pipeline protesters, who blocked major transportation arteries, with the way the truckers’ convoy was dealt with have got the message. There are laws and penalties for protest organizers from the prairies and there are grants for protest groups favoured by woke Liberals in Ottawa.

I’ve always wondered if the Freedom Convoy participants’ biggest mistake was to engage in daytime horn honking. They should have known Ottawa bureaucrats use the nine to five hours to catch up on their sleep.

Studies done in the US Rust Belt states indicate industrial decline and long-term unemployment can have significant adverse impacts on people’s physical and mental health. Male suicide rates increase, crime rates go up, more people fall victim to substance abuse and family breakdown increases.

While the required research hasn’t been done it seems reasonable to suspect the past decade has contributed to similar effects on the Canadian prairies. While that is likely the case, people on the Canadian prairies have an advantage over auto workers and steel workers from the US Rust Belt. We have had considerable experience defending our economic interests and coming up with novel home grown solutions to big problems.

What should the current Carney liberal government learn from the last 10 years? Hopefully, in the wake of Trump’s tariffs, that the oil and gas industry is an integral part of the Canadian economy and it’s time to embrace this industry and develop it to its fullest potential, much like Norway is doing, not demonize it.

What the current government should also learn is that is that western Canadians and the Canadian energy sector are a resilient bunch and will not be pushed around by agenda seeking politicians in Ottawa.

Given the last ten years, the political consequences to not learn these lessons are now much shorter.

*Job losses in manufacturing were primarily limited to Alberta. Jobs in Saskatchewan’s manufacturing sector actually grew over the 2015-2022 period.

Todayville is a digital media and technology company. We profile unique stories and events in our community. Register and promote your community event for free.

Follow Author

Business

Carney and other world leaders should recognize world’s dependence on fossil fuels

Published on

From the Fraser Institute

By Julio Mejía and Elmira Aliakbari

Simply put, despite trillions invested in the energy transition, the world is more dependent on fossil fuels today than when the United Nations launched its first COP. No wonder that ahead of COP30, leading voices of the net-zero-by-2050 agenda, including Bill Gates, are acknowledging both the vital role of fossil fuels on the planet and the failure of efforts to cut them.

On the heels of his first federal budget, which promises more spending to promote a “green economy,” Prime Minister Carney will soon fly to Brazil for COP30, the 30th United Nations climate summit. Like the former Trudeau government, the Carney government has pledged to achieve “net-zero” emissions in Canada—and compel other countries to pursue net-zero—by 2050. To achieve a net-zero world, it’s necessary to phase out fossil fuels—oil, natural gas, coal—or offset their CO2 emissions with technologies such as “carbon capture” or large-scale tree planting.

But after trillions of dollars spent in pursuit of that goal, it appears more unrealistic than ever. It’s time for world leaders, including Canada’s policymakers, to face reality and be honest about the costly commitments they make on behalf of their citizens.

For starters, carbon capture—the process of trapping and storing carbon dioxide so it’s unable to affect the atmosphere—is a developing technology not yet capable of large-scale deployment. And planting enough trees to offset global emissions would require vast amounts of land, take decades to absorb significant CO2 and risk unpredictable losses from wildfires and drought. Due to these constraints, in their net-zero quest governments and private investors have poured significant resources into “clean energy” such as wind and solar to replace fossil fuels.

According to the International Energy Agency (IEA), from 2015 to 2024, the world’s public and private investment in clean energy totalled and estimated US$14.6 trillion (inflation-adjusted). Yet from 1995 (the first COP year) to 2024, global fossil fuel consumption increased by more than 64 per cent. Specifically, oil consumption grew by 39 per cent, natural gas by 96 per cent and coal by 76 per cent. As of 2024, fossil fuels accounted for 80.6 per cent of global energy consumption, slightly lower than the 85.6 per cent in 1995.

The Canadian case shows an even greater mismatch between Ottawa’s COP commitments and its actual results. Despite billions spent by the federal government on the low-carbon economy (electric vehicle subsidies, tax credits to corporations, etc.), fossil fuel consumption in our country has increased by 23 per cent between 1995 and 2024. Over the same period, the share of fossil fuels in Canada’s total energy consumption climbed from 62.0 to 66.3 per cent.

Simply put, despite trillions invested in the energy transition, the world is more dependent on fossil fuels today than when the United Nations launched its first COP. No wonder that ahead of COP30, leading voices of the net-zero-by-2050 agenda, including Bill Gates, are acknowledging both the vital role of fossil fuels on the planet and the failure of efforts to cut them.

Why has this massive effort, which includes many countries and trillions of dollars, failed to transition humanity away from fossil fuels?

As renowned scholar Vaclav Smil explains, it can take centuries—not decades—for an energy source to become globally predominant. For thousands of years, humanity relied on wood, charcoal, dried dung and other traditional biomass fuels for heating and cooking, with coal only becoming a major energy source around 1900. It took oil 150 years after its introduction into energy markets to account for one-quarter of global fossil fuel consumption, a milestone reached only in the 1950s. And for natural gas, it took about 130 years after its commercial development to reach 25 per cent of global fossil fuel consumption at the end of the 20th century.

Yet, coal, oil and natural gas didn’t completely replace traditional biomass to meet the surging energy demand as the modern world developed. As of 2020, nearly three billion people in developing countries still relied on charcoal, straw and dried dung to supply their basic energy needs. In light of these facts, the most vocal proponents of the global energy transition seem, at the very least, out of touch.

The world’s continued reliance on fossil fuels should prompt world leaders at COP30 to exercise caution before pushing the same unrealistic commitments of the past. And Prime Minister Carney, in particular, should be careful not to keep leading Canadians into costly ventures that lead nowhere near their intended results.

Julio Mejía

Policy Analyst

Elmira Aliakbari

Director, Natural Resource Studies, Fraser Institute
Continue Reading

Business

Ottawa should stop using misleading debt measure to justify deficits

Published on

From the Fraser Institute

By Jake Fuss and Grady Munro

Based on the rhetoric, the Carney government’s first budget was a “transformative” new plan that will meet and overcome the “generational” challenges facing Canada. Of course, in reality this budget is nothing new, and delivers the same approach to fiscal and economic policy that has been tried and failed for the last decade.

First, let’s dispel the idea that the Carney government plans to manage its finances any differently than its predecessor. According to the budget, the Carney government plans to spend more, borrow more, and accumulate more debt than the Trudeau government had planned. Keep in mind, the Trudeau government was known for its recklessly high spending, borrowing and debt accumulation.

While the Carney government has tried to use different rhetoric and a new accounting framework to obscure this continued fiscal mismanagement, it’s also relied on an overused and misleading talking point about Canada’s debt as justification for higher spending and continued deficits. The talking point goes something like, “Canada has the lowest net debt-to-GDP ratio in the G7” and this “strong fiscal position” gives the government the “space” to spend more and run larger deficits.

Technically, the government is correct—Canada’s net debt (total debt minus financial assets) is the lowest among G7 countries (which include France, Germany, Italy, Japan, the United Kingdom and the United States) when measured as a share of the overall economy (GDP). The latest estimates put Canada’s net debt at 13 per cent of GDP, while net debt in the next lowest country (Germany) is 49 per cent of GDP.

But here’s the problem. This measure assumes Canada can use all of its financial assets to offset debt—which is not the case.

When economists measure Canada’s net debt, they include the assets of the Canada Pension Plan (CPP) and the Quebec Pension Plan (QPP), which were valued at a combined $890 billion as of mid-2025. But obviously Canada cannot use CPP and QPP assets to pay off government debt without compromising the benefits of current and future pensioners. And we’re one of the only industrialized countries where pension assets are accounted in such a way that it reduces net debt. Simply put, by falsely assuming CPP and QPP assets could pay off debt, Canada appears to have a stronger fiscal position than is actually the case.

A more accurate measure of Canada’s indebtedness is to look at the total level of debt.

Based on the latest estimates, Canada’s total debt (as a share of the economy) ranked 5th-highest among G7 countries at 113 per cent of GDP. That’s higher than the total debt burden in the U.K. (103 per cent) and Germany (64 per cent), and close behind France (117 per cent). And over the last decade Canada’s total debt burden has grown faster than any other G7 country, rising by 25 percentage points. Next closest, France, grew by 17 percentage points. Keep in mind, G7 countries are already among the most indebted, and continue to take on some of the most debt, in the industrialized world.

In other words, looking at Canada’s total debt burden reveals a much weaker fiscal position than the government claims, and one that will likely only get worse under the Carney government.

Prior to the budget, Prime Minister Mark Carney promised Canadians he will “always be straight about the challenges we face and the choices that we must make.” If he wants to keep that promise, his government must stop using a misleading measure of Canada’s indebtedness to justify high spending and persistent deficits.

Jake Fuss

Director, Fiscal Studies, Fraser Institute

Grady Munro

Policy Analyst, Fraser Institute
Continue Reading

Trending

X